BY  ALLEN  S.  WILL 

OF  THE  BALTIMORE  SUN 


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PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


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Purchased  by  the  Hamill  Missionary  Fund, 


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A NEW  MAP  OF  CHINA  AND  THE  ADJACENT  REGIONS 

Showing,  besides  other  recent  data,  the  progress  in  railroad  construction  up  to  the  summer  of  1900.  Completed  railroads  are  shown  by  th  n black  lines;  projected  railroads,  by  dotted  lines. 


WORLD-CRISIS  IN  CHINA,  191)0. 


A short  account  of  the  outbreak  of 
the  War  with  the  “Boxers,”  and 
ensuing  foreign  complications,  in= 
eluding  also  a sketch  of  events 
leading  up  to  the  distracted  situ- 
ation in  the  Chinese  Empire  in 
the  closing  year  of  the  century. 


AULBN  S.  WIBB, 


OF  THE  BALTIMORE  SUN. 


JOHN  MURPHY  COMPANY, 

PUBLISHERS: 


BY 


B^iltiuore,  Md.  : 

44  W.  Baltimore  Street. 


New  York : 

70  Fifth  Avenue, 


Copyright,  1900,  by  John  Morphy  Company. 


CONTENTS, 


Chapteb.  page. 

I. — Causes  of  the  Crisis  of  1900,  ...  1 

II. — Story  of  the  Crisis  m Detail,  . . 10 

III.  — Interests  of  the  United  States  in  China,  . 43 

IV.  — The  Chinese-Japanese  War,  ...  74 

V. — The  Railway  as  a Conqueror  in  Asia,  . 107 

VI.  — Pour  Notable  Characters  in  China: — 

The  Empress  Dowager,  The  Emperor, 

Li  Hung  Chang,  and  Kang  Yu  Wei,  . 114 

VII.  — The  Era  of  Foreign  Interference,  . . 127 

Vin. — History  of  China  at  a Glance,  . . 146 

IX. — The  Great  Taeping  Rebellion,  . . . 166 

X. — Chinese  Religion  and  Civilization,  . 165 

XI. — How  China  is  Governed,  ....  188 


PREFACE. 


“ What  is  the  news  from  China  ? ” is  the  question 
that  everybody  is  asking.  The  newspapers  are  full  of 
dispatches  telling  the  story  of  a startling  succession  of 
events  that  seem  destined  to  shake  the  world.  Even 
the  presidential  campaign,  now  in  progress,  occupies  a 
subordinate  place  in  the  estimation  of  the  American 
public,  whose  interest  is  fixed  on  the  extraordinary 
possibilities  of  the  situation  in  the  Flowery  Kingdom. 

“ But  what  does  it  all  mean  ? ” asks  the  reader  again. 
Here  he  cannot  so  readily  find  an  answer.  The  news- 
papers faithfully  tell  the  story  of  the  developments  in 
the  situation  as  it  rapidly  unfolds  itself,  but  the  reader 
seeks  something  more  than  that.  He  wants  to  know 
how  the  present  crisis  was  produced  ; what  tremendous 
forces  are  at  work  in  this  task  of  gripping  by  the  throat 
a nation  of  400,000,000  ; what  are  the  possibilities  and 
probabilities  of  the  immediate  future  ; how  far  and  for 
what  reason  the  United  States  has  been  drawn  into  the 
vortex.  In  brief,  he  wants  up-to-date  information 
which  will  bring  him  in  touch  with  the  situation  as  it 
now  exists.  He  seeks  a special  key  to  the  events  of  the 
remote  and  immediate  past  which  will  give  him  a 
foundation  for  comprehending  clearly  and  in  their  full 
significance  the  successive  stages  in  the  crisis  as  they 
are  presented  to  him  day  by  day. 


vm 


PREFACE. 


Such  being  the  case,  no  apology  is  needed  for  even 
the  humblest  endeavor  to  fill  this  want.  The  book  is 
offered  as  a suppplement  to  the  older  histories  of 
China,  many  of  them  admirable  and  thorough  works 
but  not  approaching  sufiiciently  close  to  the  present. 
It  aims  to  bring  the  recent  changes  and  upheavals 
easily  within  the  comprehension  of  those  who  may 
care  to  read  it.  An  effort  has  been  made  to  show 
what  the  political,  social,  educational  and  religious 
system  of  China  is  and  how  it  has  come  in  contact  with 
the  civilization  of  the  western  world ; important  epochs 
in  the  history  of  the  emj^ire  itself,  particularly  those 
bearing  on  the  present  situation,  are  also  described. 
Especial  attention  has  been  bestowed  on  the  points  of 
contact  between  China  and  the  United  States.  In  the 
hope  that  the  book  may  play  some  part,  however 
modest,  as  a clue  to  the  coming  century  in  China, 
which  seems  destined  to  be  the  most  critical  period  in 
all  her  long  history,  it  is  herewith  presented. 

Allen  S.  Will. 


Baltimoee,  July  26,  1900. 


World-Crisis  in  China,  1900 


CHAPTER  I. 

Causes  of  the  Crisis  of  1900. 

For  China  it  has  been  but  a step  from  the 
seclusion  of  a hermit  kingdom,  ages  old,  to 
the  centre  of  the  world’s  stage  of  diplomacy.  Until 
the  present  century  was  well  on  its  way,  she  had  no 
regular  official  relations  with  any  foreign  country 
and  wanted  none.  She  was  content  to  work  out  her 
own  destiny  in  her  own  fashion.  China  was  to  be 
for  the  Chinese,  and  the  rest  of  the  world  was  to  be 
as  its  peoples  chose  to  make  it. 

But  what  a marvellous  change  is  presented  to- 
day ! Every  chancellory  in  Europe  has  one  of  its 
star  diplomats  accredited  to  Pekin.  The  ambitious 
dreams  of  the  world’s  great  military  and  naval 
powers  centre  around  the  land  of  the  Mongols. 
Fleets  and  armies  are  ready  to  meet  in  the  clash  of 
battle  for  the  possession  of  the  ancient  empire’s  soil, 
and  wait  but  the  word  to  begin.  Mutual  jealousy 

1 


2 


THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 


has  alone  prevented  an  actual  parcelling  out  of  the 
country  among  aliens  in  race  and  religion.  This 
element  of  restraint  may  reach  the  stage  of  insuf- 
ficiency at  any  moment,  and  then — who  can  prophesy 
the  result?  A world-war  greater  than  any  in 
modern  times  is  the  imminent  and  awful  possibility 
that  looms  up. 

And  why,  asks  the  reader,  this  sudden  rush  of 
the  nations  toward  China?  What  is  the  prize  that 
threatens  to  involve  them  in  mutual  slaughter  on  a 
tremendous  scale?  The  answer  is  found  in  the 
vast  riches  of  the  empire  developed  by  the  toil  of 
its  people  through  centuries.  The  land  is  enor- 
mously fertile,  and  is  blessed  with  a climate  that 
makes  it  a bee-hive  of  the  world’s  production.  It 
supports  400,000,000  people  and  can  sujiport  more. 
Its  teas,  its  rice,  its  silks,  its  cotton,  its  bamboo — 
these  and  a thousand  other  sources  of  wealth  tempt 
the  cupidity  of  the  world.  To  control  this  trade 
is  regarded  as  the  international  prize  of  the  century. 
And  to  drill  and  arm  those  vast  yellow  hordes  and 
turn  them  in  the  service  of  another  power  to  con- 
quer the  world  or  at  least  to  defy  it — is  the  project 
not  one  to  dazzle  men  trained  to  look  at  things 
through  the  spectacles  of  modern  diplomacy  ? 

The  humanitarian  will  probably  argue  that  the 
Chinese  have  a right  to  their  own  country  ; that  their 
trade,  if  exploited  at  all  by  foreigners,  should  be 
exploited  under  the  laws  aud  authority  of  the 
Chinese  government  itself;  that  the  customs  and 


THE  CRISIS  OP  1900. 


3 


prejudices  of  the  people  should  be  respected  as 
far  as  possible  and  that  whatever  the  foreign 
goverunients  seek  to  accomplish  within  the  realm 
should  be  striven  for  with  the  weapons  of  peace 
and  justice,  not  with  those  of  war  and  deceit. 

But  modern  diplomacy  works  by  its  own  pro- 
cesses. To  paraphrase  a much-quoted  saying,  the 
decalogue  has  no  place  in  diplomacy — or  very 
little  place,  at  any  rate.  While  the  individual’s 
standard  of  morals  in  these  days  is  that  of  Chris- 
tian civilization,  the  code  of  the  world’s  diplomats 
is  still  that  of  the  stone  age.  ‘‘An  eye  for  an  eye 
and  a tooth  for  a tooth  ” is  the  stern  rule  of 
Mosaic  justice.  But  the  powers  of  Europe  have 
sought  to  take  from  China  a city  for  an  eye  and 
a province  for  a tooth. 

Trade  and  territory — these  are  the  shibboleths 
of  our  modern  chancellories.  Land  is  wanted 
but  riches  are  wanted  more.  This  never-satisfied 
grasp  for  trade  is  a natural  result  of  overcrowded 
populations  and  it  is  leading  to  some  astonishing 
results.  In  ancient  times  it  was  the  glory  of 
conquest  that  tempted  the  Alexanders  and  Csesars. 
Now  it  is  the  spoil  of  war  that  lures  them  on. 
The  knight  does  the  work  of  the  merchant — not 
the  merchant  that  of  the  knight. 

China  has  her  faults  and  many  of  them — what 
nation  has  not?  And  a bitter  penalty,  it  appears, 
she  must  pay.  If  events  move  in  the  same  pro- 
cession in  the  next  few  years  as  in  the  last  few 


4 


THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 


the  partition  of  Poland  is  to  be  repeated  in  the 
ancient  empire  on  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia. 

And  now  to  the  immediate  causes  which  have  led 
up  to  the  crisis  of  1900.  It  has  been  the  China- 
man’s greatest  misfortune  that  he  does  not  like 
foreigners.  His  natural  and  deep-rooted  aversion 
to  them,  born  of  4500  years  of  seclusion  in  his  own 
land,  has  not  been  reduced  by  the  effects  of  the 
foreign  influx  as  he  has  seen  them.  The  character 
of  the  foreigners  who  have  gone  to  China,  has  not, 
in  many  cases,  been  such  as  to  convey  a normally 
good  impression  of  the  great  world  beyond.  The 
sailor  class,  with  its  vices,  has  thronged  the  seaports 
to  bear  away  the  wealth  of  Cathay.  Holders  of 
foreign  concessions  have  often  been  arbitrary,  over- 
bearing and  avaricious.  The  motives  and  methods 
of  the  Christian  nations  as  illustrated  by  their 
diplomatic  intercourse  with  Pekin,  have  often  been 
at  variance  with  the  sublime  precepts  of  the  Bible 
which  missionaries  have  preached  as  the  supreme 
law.  All  this  has  tended  to  confirm  the  Chinaman 
in  his  previous  opinion  that  foreigners  are  at  best 
but  “ foreign  devils.”  He  has  veered  to  extremes 
in  his  hatred  of  them  and  their  works. 

But  this  feeling  against  foreigners  did  not  reach 
uncontrollable  limits  until,  following  the  Chinese- 
Japanese  war  of  1894-95,  Russia,  under  the  guise  of 
a lease,  acquired  possession  of  the  enormously  strong 
fortress  of  Port  Arthur,  and  the  splendid  seaport  of 
Talienwan.  Russia  also  acquired  railway  franchises 


THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 


5 


in  Manchuria,  the  great  northern  province  of  China, 
from  which  the  ruling  dynasty  of  the  empire  comes. 
It  was  but  a slight  stretch  for  Russia  to  string  her 
columns  of  troops  all  over  Manchuria,  and  lap  them 
over  into  the  neighboring  province  of  Mongolia, 
taking  virtual  possession  of  important  strategic  posi- 
tions everywhere  she  went.  Thus  all  of  Northern 
China,  a region  reaching  from  the  Siberian  border 
almost  to  Pekin,  was  practically  acquired  by  Russia 
with  no  more  foundation  of  title  than  a lease  of  two 
ports  and  a few  railway  concessions. 

England,  anxious  to  keep  pace  with  her  colossal 
rival,  followed  in  kind.  Port  Arthur  and  Talien- 
wan  are  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili, 
which  is  the  sea  gateway  to  Pekin.  England  de- 
manded and  secured  the  fortress  of  Wei  Hai  Wei, 
on  the  southern  side  of  the  gulf,  and  which,  when  a 
large  fleet  is  stationed  there,  commands  the  gulf’s 
entrance.  Imagine  a semicircle  with  its  open  side 
to  the  east.  This  may  be  taken  to  represent  the 
Gulf  of  Pechili.  Equidistant  from  its  two  ends, 
and  at  its  western  extremity,  is  Taku,  the  entrance 
to  the  Peiho  river,  leading  to  Pekin,  120  miles 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river.  On  the  northern 
segment  of  the  semicircle  are  Port  Arthur  and  Tali- 
enwan,  and  on  the  southern  segment  is  Wei  Hai 
Wei.  Besides  seizing  Wei  Hai  Wei,  England  se- 
cured an  extension  of  her  territory  at  Hong  Kong. 
The  city  of  Hong  Kong  is  on  an  island,  and  the 
extension  obtained  was  on  the  mainland  adjacent,  in 


1 


6 THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 

the  district  of  Kowlun.  The  foreign  settlements 
at  Shanghai,  controlled  by  Americans,  British  and 
French,  were  also  extended. 

Germany  was  not  slow  to  take  the  cue.  For  the 
murder  of  two  German  missionaries  in  the  province 
of  Shantung,  which  stretches  south  from  the  shore 
of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  Emperor  William  demanded 
possession  of  the  seaport  and  fortress  of  Kiaochau, 
on  the  eastern  border  of  Shantung,  and  of  prefer- 
ential rights  for  Germans  in  the  whole  province. 
This  was  soon  in  a fair  way  of  being  made  equiva- 
lent to  absolute  German  authority  in  Shantung. 

France,  which  claims  a sphere  of  influence  in 
Southern  China,  extending  north  from  Tonkin  to 
the  British  sphere  in  the  valley  of  the  Yangtzekiang, 
advanced  her  posts  northward  and  demanded  and 
received  new  concessions  for  railways  and  canals. 

Italy  demanded  a lease  of  San  INIuu  Bay  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  the  empire  south  of  Kiaochau. 
Here,  for  once  China  showed  backbone.  She  felt 
that  she  could  afford  to  deny  Italy’s  demand  and 
she  did  so.  Italy  has  not  withdrawn  the  claim  but 
has  taken  no  positive  steps  to  enforce  it. 

China  and  the  Chinese  were  alarmed  at  these 
extraordinary  developments — all  within  the  space 
of  four  years,  from  1895  to  1899.  It  came  to  be 
accepted  as  a fact  among  them  that  the  foreign 
powers  were  bent  upon  a partition  of  China  and 
that  this  partition  was  an  early  and  sudden  prob- 
ability. They  looked  back  upon  the  work  of 


L 


THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 


7 


centuries  in  despair  that  it  seemed  about  to  be 
undone.  Their  despair  quickly  turned  to  rage,  and 
the  flame  of  anti-foreign  feeling  was  fanned  to  white 
heat. 

It  was  the  native  converts  to  Christianity  who 
first  felt  the  scorch  of  this  flame.  This  may  seem 
strange  at  first  but  a brief  analysis  of  the  situation 
as  it  existed  will  show  that  it  was  a natural  direction 
tor  the  anti-foreign  feeling  to  take.  The  pagan 
Chinamen  regarded  the  native  converts  as  traitors 
and  renegades  to  their  cause  who  were  more  to  be 
despised  than  the  active  and  avowed  missionaries 
themselves.  Then,  too,  there  was  a fear  of  attacking 
the  missionaries  directly,  for  this  would  arouse  the 
wrath  of  the  foreign  powers  and  afford  the  very 
pretext  which  was  so  eagerl}'  sought — a pretext  to 
divide  China.  So  long  as  only  native  Christians 
were  murdered,  the  Pekin  government  could  hold 
that  it  was  purely  an  internal  afifair,  and  that  it 
could  deal  in  its  own  way  with  the  murder  of  its 
own  subjects  by  fellow  subjects.  The  seizure  of 
Kiaochau  by  Germany  as  indemnity  for  the 
murder  of  two  missionaries  served  in  marked 
degree  to  inflame  the  Chinese  against  the  Christian 
proselyters.  They  regarded  the  loss  of  one  of  their 
richest  provinces  as  directly  due  to  these  missionaries 
of  an  alien  religion.  It  is  in  Shantung  that  the 
present  outbreak  has  attained  its  most  acute 
development. 


8 


THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 


Then,  too,  the  Chinese  present  other  grievances 
against  the  missionaries  — grievances  which  are 
declared  by  the  missionaries  themselves  to  be  largely 
without  foundation.  They  allege  that  the  missiona- 
ries, through  the  representatives  of  their  countries  at 
Pekin,  secure  undue  political  advantages  for  the 
converted  Chinamen  over  the  unconverted.  For 
instance,  it  is  charged  that  native  Christians  have 
made  a practice  of  complaining  to  the  missionaries 
that  their  taxes  were  too  high  ; that  the  missionaries 
have  in  many  cases,  through  the  ministers  at  Pekin, 
obtained  a lowering  of  these  taxes,  to  the  injustice 
of  the  pagan  Chinaman,  who  has  thus  been  com- 
pelled to  bear  an  unjust  share  of  the  government's 
burdens.  It  is  alleged  that  many  native  converts 
to  Christianity  have  been  actuated  by  no  more 
worthy  motive  than  the  securing  of  lower  taxes  and 
other  official  favors.  The  n)issionaries  have  also 
been  charged  with  arrogance  and  greed.  To  assume 
that  the  whole  body  of  devoted  servants  of  the 
Christian  mission  cause  has  been  guilty  of  these 
faults  would  be  a gross  calumny.  It  would  be 
equally  absurd  to  assume  that  isolated  instances  of 
this  character  have  not  occurred.  The  Chinaman 
has  been  too  prone  to  ignore  the  virtues  of  the  many 
and  magnify  the  sins  of  the  few.  And  thus  he  has 
come,  in  some  sections  of  China,  to  regard  all  mis- 
sionaries with  distrust. 

A number  of  popular  errors  regarding  mission- 
aries have  gained  wide  credence.  For  instance. 


THE  CRISIS  OF  1900. 


9 


there  is  a belief  among  Chinese  that  the  mission- 
aries cut  out  the  eyes  of  young  children  for  use  in 
their  rites  and  in  medicine.  Thus  the  orphanages 
attached  to  the  missions  have  been  the  victims  of 
deep  and  unjustified  distrust. 

Still  another  grievance  against  the  foreigners 
was  the  manner  of  introducing  railroads.  It  was 
charged  that  these  lines  were  surveyed  and  in  some 
cases  actually  constructed  through  cemeteries  over 
the  graves  of  Chinamen’s  ancestors.  In  the  eyes 
of  the  Chinese  there  could  be  no  greater  outrage 
than  this.  Ancestoi-worship  is  one  of  the  primary 
elements  of  their  religion,  and  to  have  the  bones  of 
their  forefathers  thus  defiled  was  more  than  they 
could  stand.  It  was  also  charged  that  the  right- 
of-way  for  these  roads  was  acquired  by  summary 
and  unjust  methods,  which  worked  great  hardship 
on  hundreds  of  natives. 

We  hav’e  thus  sketched  in  brief  the  leading  causes 
which  prepared  China  for  an  anti-foreign  upheaval 
of  vast  proportions.  The  form  which  this  upheaval 
took  constituted  a crime  against  humanity  and  was 
totally  without  excuse.  It  has  tended  to  alienate 
from  the  Chinese  all  the  sympathy  which  some  of 
their  admitted  wrongs  had  created  in  their  favor. 
We  will  consider  this  subject  in  our  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Stoey  of  the  Ceisis  in  Detail. 

IN  the  spring  of  1900  one  of  the  numerous  anti- 
foreign  societies  that  had  sprung  up  in  China 
began  to  commit  acts  of  atrocity  on  a wide  scale. 
This  is  tlie  society  of  ‘‘Boxers/’  as  they  are  popu- 
larly called.  The  name  of  the  organization  is 
I-ho-chu-an,  meaning  League  of  United  Patriots. 
The  last  word  of  this  title  is  pronounced  in  some 
parts  of  China  the  same  as  the  Chinese  word  for 
fists,  though  the  characters  denoting  it  are  different. 
Hence  it  is  easy  by  a slight  pun  to  translate  the 
title  as  “ League  of  United  Fists.”  One  of  the 
mottoes  of  the  society  may  be  translated  as  “ patriot- 
ism, righteousness,  fists,” — an  idea  corresponding 
to  the  English  one  of  militant  patriotism  in  a good 
cause.  Besides,  one  of  the  rules  of  the  society  enjoins 
the  practice  of  athletic  sports,  including  boxing,  by  its 
members.  Hence  it  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  the 
popular  term  “ Boxers,”  now  exclusively  applied  to 
this  society  by  English-speaking  people. 

A number  of  other  secret  organizations  have 
made  common  cause  with  the  Boxers,  notably  the 
Society  of  the  Great  Knife,  which  has  wide  influ- 
ence in  China.  The  one  name,  however,  is  now 
used  to  denote  all  who  are  engaged  in  the  outbreak. 
10 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


11 


The  Boxers  are  a secret  and  oath-bound  organ- 
ization. Their  avowed  object  is  the  extermination 
of  the  foreigners  who  they  believe  are  about  to 
despoil  and  divide  the  land  of  their  ancestors. 
Their  operations  began  in  October,  1899,  when 
they  began  openly  drilling  in  the  streets  of  the 
principal  cities  of  North  China,  and  committed 
occasional  acts  of  lawlessness  against  native  Chris- 
tians. These  disorders  were  considered  local  at 
first  and  the  secret  character  of  the  Boxers’  organ- 
ization prevented  a thorough  and  prompt  compre- 
hension of  the  grave  character  of  their  movement. 
Secret  societies  are  common  in  China  and  are 
usually  within  the  control  of  the  Pekin  govern- 
ment, provided  it  is  disposed  to  act  vigorously. 

The  Boxers  continued  to  receive  large  accessions 
to  their  ranks,  and  in  the  early  spring  of  1900  they 
had  grown  to  an  estimated  numerical  strength  of 
3,000,000.  Emboldened  by  the  popularity  of  their 
cause,  they  began  to  commit  acts  of  bloody  lawless- 
ness on  a large  scale.  A reign  of  terror  was  inau- 
gurated at  every  city,  town  and  village  in  North 
China  where  the  missionaries  were  established. 
Hundreds  of  native  Christians  were  massacred, 
often  with  appalling  tortures.  Missionary  property 
was  burned  and  the  missionaries  were  compelled  to 
flee  to  the  coast  cities,  where  they  sought  protection 
under  the  formidable  guns  of  foreign  warships.  The 
local  Chinese  troops  appeared  unable  or  unwilling 
to  check  the  outrages.  They  were  in  active  sym- 
pathy with  the  Boxers  in  many  cases,  and  deserted 


12 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


by  wholesale  to  the  ranks  of  the  outlaws,  carrying 
with  them  their  rifles  and  their  ideas  of  foreign 
military  drill  learned  from  Russian,  German  and 
Japanese  instructors.  These  accessions  made  the 
Boxers  vastly  more  powerful.  At  first  they  had 
been  insufficiently  armed,  many  being  provided  only 
with  steel  pikes,  axes,  or  sharpened  poles  of  bamboo. 
Now  they  began  to  get  rifles,  and  quickly  learned 
how  to  use  them.  From  a rabble  they  became  an 
army.  The  taste  of  blood  made  them  mad  for  more. 
No  mercy  was  shown,  and  the  native  Christians,  the 
principal  objects  of  their  wrath,  fled  in  droves  to 
escape  the  awful  storm. 

The  Boxers  adhered  in  a general  way  to  the  policy 
of  confining  their  operations  to  the  native  Chris- 
tians. A number  of  foreign  missionaries  were  re- 
ported murdered,  but  the  fact  of  murder  has  been 
confirmed  in  the  cases  of  but  two — Rev.  H.  V. 
Norman  and  Rev.  C.  Robertson,  both  English. 
Many  of  the  missionaries  were  in  great  danger,  but 
their  hasty  exodus  to  the  coast  cities  saved  the  great 
majority  of  them. 

As  previously  intimated,  the  form  which  the 
anti-foreign  outbreak  took  was  wholly  to  be  con- 
demned. The  horrible  murders  perpetrated  by  the 
boxers  caused  the  world  to  shudder.  It  was  a war 
of  private  vengeance  on  private  individuals,  for 
which  not  even  the  shadow  of  excuse  could  be 
found.  The  Chinese  were  correct  in  supposing 
that  the  powers  of  Europe  contemplated  the  divi- 
sion and  exploitation  of  their  country.  The  official 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


13 


acts  of  the  powers  proved  this  beyond  all  doubt. 
The  proper  course  would  have  been  for  China  to 
arm  and  prepare  to  defend  herself  against  the 
aggressions  of  Europe — to  maintain  the  integrity 
of  China,  if  necessary,  by  a defensive  war  waged 
by  the  government  and  army,  acting  within  the 
rules  of  humane  warfare  as  far  as  any  warfare  can 
be  humane.  For  a secret  society,  a band  of  private 
individuals,  to  appropriate  and  administer  the 
vengeance  which  belonged  to  the  government,  if  to 
anybody,  was  going  at  the  problem  not  only  in  a 
wrong  way,  but  an  atrocious  way. 

Repeated  appeals  were  made  by  the  foreign  min- 
isters at  Pekin  to  the  Tsung-li-yamen  (Chinese 
foreign  office),  but  no  effective  steps  to  stop  the 
outrages  were  taken.  It  began  to  appear  that  if  the 
Christians  were  to  be  protected  and  the  uprising 
suppressed,  the  foreign  governments  themselves 
would  have  to  act.  On  May  19  Bishop  Favier, 
head  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Missionaries  in  China, 
wrote  as  follows  to  M.  Pechon,  French  minister  at 
Pekin  : 

“Mr.  Minister:  From  day  to  day  the  situation  becomes  more 
serious  and  threatening.  In  the  prefecture  of  Poating 
more  than  seventy  Christians  have  been  massacred ; near 
Echao-Icheou  only  three  days  ago  three  neophytes  have  been 
cut  in  pieces.  Many  villages  have  been  pillaged  and  burned ; 
a great  many  others  have  been  completely  abandoned.  More 
than  two  thousand  Christians  are  fleeing,  without  bread,  with- 
out clothing,  without  shelter.  At  Pekin  alone  about  four 
hundred  refugees,  men,  women  and  children,  are  already 


14 


THE  CRISIS  m DETAIL. 


lodged  at  our  house  and  that  of  the  Sisters ; within  a week  we 
will  probably  have  many  thousands.  We  will  have  to  dismiss 
the  schools  and  the  colleges ; also  use  all  the  hospitals  to  make 
room  for  these  unfortunate  persons.  Upon  the  east  of  us 
pillage  and  incendiarism  are  imminent;  we  are  hourly  receiv- 
ing the  most  alarming  news.  Pekin  is  surrounded  on  all  sides. 
The  Boxers  are  daily  coming  nearer  the  capital,  delayed  only 
by  the  destruction  which  they  are  making  of  Christians. 
Believe  me,  I pray  you,  Mr.  Minister,  that  I am  well  informed 
and  say  nothing  lightly.  Religious  persecution  is  only  one 
object.  The  real  purpose  is  the  extermination  of  Europeans, 
a purpose  which  is  clearly  set  forth  and  written  upon  the 
banners  of  the  Boxers.  Their  a^ssociates  await  them  at  Pekin, 
where  they  will  begin  by  attacking  the  churches  and  finish 
with  the  legations.  For  us  here  at  the  Paitang  the  day  is 
practically  ended.  All  the  city  knows  it;  everybody  is  speak- 
ing of  it,  and  a popular  outbreak  is  manifest.  Yesterday 
evening  43  poor  women  and  their  children,  flying  from  the 
massacre,  arrived  at  the  house  of  the  Sisters.  More  than  five 
hundred  persons  accompanied  them,  saying  to  them  that  if 
they  had  escaped  this  once  they  would  soon  die  with  the 
others.  Mr.  Minister,  I do  not  speak  to  you  of  placards  with- 
out number  which  are  posted  in  the  city  against  Europeans  in 
general.  Each  day  new  ones  appear,  more  explicit  than  the 
others.  Those  who  30  years  ago  were  present  at  the  Tientsin 
massacre  are  struck  with  the  resemblance  of  the  situation  then 
to  that  of  to-day — the  same  placards,  the  same  threat.®,  the 
same  warnings  and  the  same  blindness.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, Mr.  Minister,  I believe  it  my  duty  to  ask  you  to  kindly 
send  us  at  least  forty  or  fifty  marines  to  protect  our  persons 
and  our  property.  This  has  been  done  under  circumstances 
much  less  critical,  and  I hope  you  will  take  into  consideration 
our  humble  prayer.” 

About  the  same  time  E,ev.  Charles  A.  Killie,  an 
American  missionary  in  Pekin,  wrote  a letter  to 


Thk  Chkn-Mun,  oh  Mkhidian  Gatk  to  Pkkin. 

(Tills  is  tlio  M:iin  l^iitrance  to  the  (’apital,  ami  lea<is  directly  to  Die  Imperial  Palace.) 


THE  CELSIS  IN  DETAIL. 


15 


Hon.  Edwin  H.  Conger,  the  United  States  minister, 
setting  forth  in  detail  the  recent  operations  of  the 
Boxers  and  giving  a list  of  villages  near  the  capital 
in  which  the  organization  was  flourishing.  An 
appeal  was  made  for  immediate  action. 

These  reminders  and  the  critical  seriousness  of 
the  situation  as  observed  by  the  ministers  themselves 
led  to  a meeting  of  the  diplomatic  body  at  Pekin  on 
May  20.  The  meeting  drew  up  the  following  note, 
which  was  sent  to  the  Tsung-li-yamen  : 

''  The  Prince  and  Ministers:  I have  the  honor  to  communi- 
cate to  you  the  text  of  a resolution  prepared  hy  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  foreign  powers  accredited  to  Pekin.  The 
diplomatic  body,  relying  upon  the  Imperial  decrees  already 
published  which  have  ordered  the  dissolution  of  the  Boxers, 
demands : 

“First — The  arrest  of  all  persons  practising  the  drills  of 
that  association,  provoking  disturbances  upon  the  public  high- 
way, posting,  printing  or  distributing  placards  which  may 
contain  threats  against  foreigners. 

“ Second — The  arrest  of  owners  or  guardians  of  temples  or 
other  places  where  the  Boxers  assemble  and  the  treatment  of 
these  accomplices  and  criminal  abettors  as  Boxers  themselves. 

“ Third — The  chastisement  of  the  public  officials  who  may 
render  themselves  culpable  by  neglecting  to  suppress  any  dis- 
order, or  who  may  connive  with  the  rioters. 

“ Fourth — The  execution  of  the  authors  of  outrages  against 
persons  or  property. 

“ Fifth — The  execution  of  persons  who  are  supporting  and 
directing  the  Boxers  in  the  present  disturbances. 

“ Sixth — The  publication  in  Pekin,  in  Pechili  and  the  other 
northern  provinces  of  proclamations  bringing  these  measures 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  people. 


16 


THE  CRISIS  m DETAIL. 


“I  am,  besides,  charged  by  the  diplomatic  corps  to  inform 
you  that  it  expects  a satisfactory  reply  to  this  demand  without 
unnecessary  delay. 

“ I improve  the  occasion  to  reiterate  the  assurance  of  my 
highest  consideration.” 

The  note  was  signed  by  B.  Cologan,  the  Spanish 
minister,  as  dean  of  the  diplomatic  corps. 

The  attitude  of  the  Tsung-li-yamen,  in  response 
to  this  demand,  was  far  from  satisfactory  to  the 
ministers.  It  was  clearly  set  forth  in  the  following 
letter  from  Minister  Conger  to  Secretary  Hay 
under  date  of  May  21: 

“Sir:  In  response  to  the  request  of  the  French  Minister  the 
dean  called  a meeting  of  the  diplomatic  corps  yesterday,  and, 
upon  information  furnished  in  a letter  Irom  the  Catholic 
bishop  in  Pekin  and  verbal  reports  by  the  other  Ministers, 
the  situation  was  considered  so  grave  that  the  corps  unani- 
mously instructed  the  dean  to  present  it  to  the  Chinese  For- 
eign Office  and  demand  immediate  and  effective  measures. 
The  note  was  presented  today.  I also  enclose  copies  of  the 
bishop’s  letter  and  one  from  Rev.  Mr.  Killie,  an  American 
missionary  who  lives  in  Pekin,  but  travels  a circuit  to  the 
north  and  east.  On  the  18th  instant  in  the  course  of  an 
extended  personal  interview  with  the  Chinese  Foreign  Office, 
I called  its  attention  to  the  fact  that,  notwithstanding  constant 
warnings  from  this  and  other  legations,  the  Boxers  had  con- 
tinually increased  and  spread,  until  now  they  are  boldly 
organizing  inside  the  wall  of  Pekin.  The  existence  of  thous- 
ands is  known  in  the  villages  around  Pekin.  Christian  con- 
verts are  being  persecuted  and  threatened  everywhere.  Many 
are  forced  to  recant  their  religious  professions,  and  some  have 
been  compelled  to  abandon  their  chapels  and  come  to  Pekin 
for  safety. 

“ I said : ‘At  a London  mission  near  Chochau,  40  miles 
west  of  Pekin,  two  native  Christians  have  been  killed  and 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


17 


their  chapels  destroyed.  Near  Paoting  a Catholic  village 
has  been  destroyed  and  61  Christians  murdered,  some  of  them 
being  burned  alive.  The  foreign  governments  cannot  longer 
sit  idly  by  and  witness  this  persecution  and  murder.  I can 
only  speak  for  my  own  Government,  but  it  is  becoming  very 
impatient  over  China’s  continued  treaty  violation.  It  always 
has  been  and  still  is  the  good  friend  of  China  and  only  wishes 
it  prosperity,  but  is  now  more  than  ever  determined  to  sustain 
the  treaty  rights  of  all  American  citizens  and  of  the  Christian 
converts.  It  will  hold  the  Chinese  Government  to  the  strictest 
responsibility  for  every  treaty  infraction  in  this  regard.  It 
will  do  this  not  only  for  the  benefit  of  its  own  citizens,  but  in 
the  interest  of  China  herself,  whose  Government  is  now  sadly 
threatened  by  these  lawless  organizations.  At  present  it  is  true 
they  seem  to  have  no  capable  leader,  but  should  one  arise  and 
the  populace  become  really  inflamed  the  overthrow  of  the 
present  dynasty  is  most  likely  to  follow  and  possibly  the 
destruction  of  the  Empire.’ 

“ They  assured  me  that  sufficient  troops  had  been  sent  to  the 
disturbed  districts  to  restore  order  and  aflPord  protection. 

“ I again  told  them  that  restored  order  would  be  the  only 
possible  proof.  I also  said  that  unless  the  situation  was  relieved 
and  the  threatening  danger  from  mobs  averted  I should  be 
compelled  to  ask  for  a sufficient  guard  of  American  marines  to 
insure  the  safety  of  the  legation. 

“They  said:  ‘Oh,  don’t  do  that.  It  is  unnecessary.’  And 
again  promising  energetic  action,  the  interview  closed. 

“ Unless  some  energetic  action  is  taken  the  situation  will 
become  fraught  with  great  danger  to  all  foreigners,  not  from 
any  intelligent  or  organized  attacks,  but  from  ignoraut  and 
inflamed  mob  violence.  I believe,  as  I said  in  my  telegram, 
that  the  Government  is  itself  alarmed  at  the  situation  and  will 
take  more  energetic  action,  but  no  one  can  be  certain  of  this 
until  it  is  done.” 

The  diplomatic  body  at  Pekin  began  to  hold 
almost  daily  meetings  and  repeatedly  represented  to 
2 


18 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL, 


the  Tsung-li-yamen  the  inadequacy  of  the  measures 
which  were  being  taken.  It  was  also  forcibly 
represented  that  as  the  disorders  were  spreading  to 
Pekin  itself,  the  ministers  were  beginning  to  fear 
for  the  safety  of  the  legations,  and  proposed  to  send 
for  marine  guards  from  the  foreign  warships  at 
Taku  for  protection.  The  Tsung-li-yamen  protested 
that  there  was  no  necessity  to  send  for  marines,  and 
declared  that  it  would  not  consent  to  the  landing  of 
any  foreign  troops  in  China. 

On  May  30  the  ministers  sent  an  ultimatum  to 
the  Tsung-li-yaraen  demanding  that  the  marines  be 
allowed  to  land,  and  threatening  that  if  consent 
were  longer  refused  they  would  urge  their  govern- 
ments to  land  men  by  force.  The  yainen  was 
given  until  6 A.  M.,  on  the  following  day,  to  reply. 
A midnight  session  was  held  at  the  palace,  and  at 
2.30  A.  M.,  May  31,  the  ministers  were  notified  that 
the  Chinese  government  consented  to  the  landing 
of  marines. 

Prompt  notice  was  sent  to  the  foreign  fleet 
gathered  at  Taku,  which  by  this  time  numbered 
twenty-three  vessels,  including  nine  Russian,  three 
British,  three  German,  three  French,  two  American, 
two  Italian  and  one  Japanese.  The  American  ships 
were  the  cruiser  Newark,  with  Rear-Admiral 
KempflP  on  board,  and  the  gunboat  Monocacy,  On 
the  day  when  the  Chinese  government  yielded  to 
the  ultimatum  of  the  ministers,  marines  landed 
from  these  ships  and  proceeded  to  Tientsin,  going 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


19 


thence  by  rail  to  the  Chinese  capital.  From  Taku 
to  Tientsin  the  journey  is  40  miles  up  the  shallow 
Peiho  river,  and  from  Tientsin  there  is  a railway, 
78  miles  long,  leading  to  Pekin.  The  marines  went 
in  launches  from  Taku  to  Tientsin  and  made  the 
rest  of  the  trip  by  rail. 

Thus  was  the  first  step  taken  in  active  foreign 
interference  with  the  outbreak  of  the  boxers  in 
China.  It  soon  led  to  results  of  the  gravest 
character,  as  we  shall  presently  see.  The  marines 
who  landed  and  proceeded  to  Pekin  were  destined 
to  share  in  the  long  isolation  of  the  capital  and  the 
terrible  straits  of  the  legations.  They  were  con- 
stituted as  follows : 

Americans — Seven  officers  and  56  men. 

British — Three  officers  and  72  men. 

Italians — Three  officers  and  39  men. 

French — Three  officers  and  72  men. 

Russians — Four  officers  and  71  men. 

Japanese — Two  officers  and  24  men. 

The  foreign  contingent  also  took  five  quick- 
firing  guns. 

On  June  1,  Minister  Conger  reported  to  the 
State  Department  that  the  arrival  of  the  marines 
had  improved  the  situation  in  Pekin.  The  capital, 
he  said,  was  much  quieter  but  the  Boxers  were  still 
active  in  the  surrounding  country.  This  state  of 
affairs  was  not  to  continue. 


20 


THE  CRISES  IN  DETAIL. 


News  of  the  marines’  arrival  soon  spread  and  the 
masses  of  the  Chinese  were  inflamed  with  rage. 
Here  was  another  instance  of  foreign  interference, 
and  of  their  own  government  being  comjjelled  to 
yield  to  the  threats  of  the  “ foreign  devils.”  The 
Boxers’  ranks  grew  rapidly,  their  rage  knew  no 
bounds.  “Action  ” was  their  cry.  They  began  to 
close  in  on  Pekin  and  Tientsin  in  large  numbers  and 
prepared  to  cut  the  railway  leading  from  Tientsin 
to  the  capital.  This  railway  they  regarded  as  the 
key  to  the  situation.  They  saw  the  massing  at 
Taku  of  the  foreign  warships,  which  were  constantly 
increasing  in  numbers,  and  they  believed  this  was 
for  the  purpose  of  landing  a large  foreign  army  and 
moving  on  their  capital,  their  sacred  city.  To  the 
minds  of  their  leaders  the  most  effective  way  to 
save  the  capital  was  to  cut  the  railway,  which 
afforded  the  easiest  way  for  gaining  access  to  it. 

At  first  the  railway  was  cut  in  a few  places,  but 
the  line  as  a whole  was  not  then  seized.  The  Boxers 
were  not  yet  ready  to  take  effective  possession  of  it. 
Though  the  breaks  in  the  line  were  repaired,  the 
commanders  of  the  warships  saw  a new  element  of 
danger  in  the  situation,  and  sent  2,000  additional 
marines  to  Tientsin. 

The  Chinese  government  was  now  thoroughly 
alarmed,  aud  with  vigor  undertook  the  task  of  re- 
pressing the  boxers.  In  this  lay  its  only  hope,  but 
the  hope  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  The 
Imperial  troops  at  Pekin  attacked  a large  force  of 


THE  CEISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


21 


Boxers  who  had  congregated  near  the  capital.  Hun- 
dreds were  killed  on  both  sides,  but  the  Boxers, 
inspired  with  the  zeal  of  fanatics,  were  victorious. 
The  Chinese  government’s  infusion  of  vigor  had 
come  too  late.  It  could  not  depend  on  the  loyalty 
of  its  own  troops.  An  edict  was  issued  censuring 
the  “ cowardice  ” of  the  Imperial  army,  and  order- 
ing the  viceroy  of  Pechili  to  suppress  the  Boxers, 
but  these  measures  came  too  late. 

Interruptions  of  the  Tientsin-Pekin  railway  con- 
tinued, and  by  June  6 the  line  was  wholly  blocked. 
Boxers  were  in  possession  of  it  for  its  entire  length. 
Hereafter  we  shall  speak  of  the  Boxers  as  “Chinese,” 
for  by  June  6 so  many  of  the  Imperial  troops, 
including  prominent  generals,  had  deserted  to  them 
that  it  was  difficult  to  say  which  was  the  army  and 
who  were  rebels.  Immense  quantities  of  ammuni- 
tion, rifles,  quick-firing  guns  and  cannon  had  been 
secured,  and  it  was  a well  equipped  army  which  was 
holding  the  railway  to  Pekin. 

The  commanders  of  the  foreign  fleets  at  Taku 
were  alarmed,  and  decided  to  take  prompt  steps  to 
reopen  the  railway.  Of  the  2000  marines  at  Tient- 
sin, 1078  were  made  into  a composite  force,  and 
Vice  Admiral  Sir  George  Edward  Seymour,  of  the 
British  navy,  who  was  then  the  senior  officer  in  rank 
with  the  foreign  squadron,  took  command.  On  June 
10  he  marched  from  Tientsin,  on  the  way  to 
Pekin,  to  reopen  the  railway  and  disperse  the 
Chinese.  His  efforts  were  doomed  to  failure.  The 


22 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


foreign  commanders  had  not  yet  realized  the  tre- 
mendous nature  of  the  task  before  them. 

Of  Seymour’s  force,  100  were  Americans,  com- 
manded by  Capt.  Bowman  H.  McCalla,  of  the 
cruiser  Newark.  British  and  Russians  were  largely 
in  the  majority.  The  force  was  increased  to  2500 
men  soon  after  it  left  Tientsin,  reinforcements  being 
hurried  forward. 

The  admiral  had  advanced  30  miles  June  11, 
when  he  encountered  a force  of  Chinese  and  killed 
35  of  them.  The  Chinese,  though  dispersed  tem- 
porarily, began  to  mass  in  great  numbers  in  front 
of  Seymour.  On  June  12  he  was  able  to  advance 
only  three  miles,  his  front,  rear  and  flanks  being 
constantly  threatened.  Two  attacks  were  made  on 
his  advance  guard  June  13  by  Chinese,  who  again 
met  a reverse.  On  June  14  there  was  another 
determined  attack,  the  Chinese  losing  over  100 
killed  and  the  allies  again  being  successful,  their 
loss  being  five  killed.  The  rear  guard  of  the 
allies  at  Lofa  station  was  compelled  to  face  an 
onslaught,  and,  in  fact,  June  14  was  marked  by 
almost  constant  fighting.  The  allies  managed  to 
reach  Anting,  12  miles  from  Pekin,  but  when  they 
got  there  they  were  so  terribly  hard-pressed,  the 
railway  in  their  front  had  been  so  extensively 
destro3'ed  and  their  rear  was  so  imminently  threat- 
ened, that  further  advance  was  considered  practi- 
cally impossible. 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


23 


On  June  16  Seymour  decided  to  retrace  his 
steps.  His  force  was  in  a critical  position.  For 
six  days  his  supplies  had  been  cut  off  and  he  was 
hampered  by  his  wounded.  Almost  every  mile  of 
his  return  was  marked  by  fighting.  The  Chinese, 
when  defeated  in  one  village,  retired  to  the  next, 
where  they  would  undertake  another  stand.  Sey- 
mour made  a night  march  June  23  and  reached 
the  Chinese  arsenal,  three  miles  from  Tientsin, 
where  a heavy  fire  was  opened  on  him.  He  stormed 
and  seized  the  arsenal  and  then  sent  to  Tientsin  for 
help.  Another  body  of  marines  went  to  his  rescue 
and  on  June  26  he  was  at  last  back  at  his  starting 
place,  having  accomplished  nothing.  His  losses 
during  the  sixteen  days  were  62  killed  and  206 
wounded.  The  Americans  in  his  party  had  4 
killed  and  25  wounded. 

Meanwhile  events  at  Tientsin  had  moved  in 
startling  fashion ; Chinese  surrounded  the  city 
in  great  numbers  and  began  a bombardment  with 
heavy  artillery.  The  consulates  of  the  United 
States  and  other  nations  were  destroyed  and  there 
was  considerable  loss  of  life.  The  few  marines 
left  in  Tientsin  June  10,  when  Seymour  started  on 
his  ill-fated  expedition,  were  inadequate  to  defend 
the  foreign  quarter  of  the  city.  So  another  relief 
expedition  was  determined  upon  by  the  foreign 
commanders  at  Taku.  This  expedition  was  made 
up  of  130  American  marines  under  command  of 
Major  Littleton  W.  T.  Waller  and  400  Russians. 


24 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


In  an  ambuscade  near  Tientsin,  June  21,  four  of 
Waller’s  men  were  killed  and  seven  wounded.  An 
additional  force  of  2000  marines  had  been  landed 
by  the  allies  in  the  meantime  and,  forming  a junc- 
tion with  the  Americans  and  Russians,  pushed  on 
to  Tientsin,  which  they  occupied  June  23,  cutting 
their  way  through  the  investing  force  of  Chinese. 
A brief  respite  in  the  Chinese  attack  gave  an 
opportunity  for  relieving  Seymour,  which  was 
accomplished  in  the  manner  already  narrated. 

Taku  itself  had  developed  another  surprise  in  the 
situation.  The  commanders  of  the  allied  fleets  held 
a meeting  June  16  and  decided  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  take  temporary  possession  of  the  mud  forts 
there.  Notice  was  served  on  Lo  Jung  Kuang,  the 
commandant  of  the  forts,  and  on  the  viceroy  at 
Tientsin,  the  supreme  civil  officer  in  the  province 
in  which  Taku  is  situated.  It  was  also  decided  to 
take  charge  of  the  station  at  Tongku,  near  Taku, 
belonging  to  the  Chinese  government  railway.  Rear 
Admiral  Kempff“,the  American  commander, declined 
to  take  part  in  any  of  these  proposed  hostile  acts 
against  China,  saying  that  he  was  ‘‘  not  authorized 
to  initiate  any  act  of  war  against  a country  with 
whom  the  United  States  government  is  at  peace.” 
Nevertheless  the  allies  decided  to  go  ahead  without 
him.  The  railway  station  at  Tongku  was  promptly 
seized,  and  early  in  the  morning  of  June  17  a fight 
began  between  the  allies  and  the  Chinese  in  the 
Taku  forts.  For  some  hours  the  bombardment  was 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


25 


brisk,  and  then  a landing  party  stormed  the  forts 
and  captured  them.  The  American  vessels  held 
aloof,  but  a stray  shot  from  a Chinese  fort  struck 
the  Monocacy,  inflicting  slight  damage.  The  losses 
of  the  allies  in  the  fight  were  20  killed  and  90 
wounded.  The  Chinese  left  about  200  dead  in  the 
forts,  though  no  effort  was  made  to  count  the  bodies 
exactly. 

Each  side  accuses  the  other  of  having  fired  the 
first  shot  at  Taku.  In  response  to  the  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  the  forts,  the  Chinese  say,  their 
commander  was  bound  to  give  all  the  resistance  in 
his  power.  With  Taku  in  their  possession,  the 
allies  found  the  problem  of  operating  against  Tien- 
tsin and  Pekin  simplified.  The  Taku  forts  had 
been  the  only  defense  of  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho 
river. 

Pekin,  the  ultimate  objective  of  all  the  move- 
ments by  the  allies,  had  been  plunged  into  awful 
straits.  The  city  was  isolated  June  14,  and  has 
remained  so  up  to  the  present  time  (July  26).  All 
the  railroads  and  telegraph  lines  were  seized  by 
large  forces  of  Chinese.  It  was  maintained  by  the 
Tsung-li-yaraen  that  the  arrival  of  the  foreign 
marines.  May  31,  greatly  incensed  the  populace. 
The  marines  were  accused  of  acts  of  indiscretion, 
such  as  patrolling  streets  where  there  was  no  need 
for  it  and  firing  their  rifles  indiscriminately.  The 
Boxers  were  soon  in  virtual  possession  of  nearly  all 
Pekin.  The  powerful  Prince  Tuan,  father  of  the 


26 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


heir  apparent  to  the  Chinese  throne,  openly  espoused 
their  cause  and  became  their  leader.  The  summer 
quarters  of  the  British  legation,  fourteen  miles  from 
the  capital,  were  burned.  The  Chancellor  of  the 
Japanese  legation,  Sugiyama  Akira,  was  killed  by  a 
mob  in  the  streets  of  Pekin.  But  the  crowning 
atrocity  was  the  mui’der,  on  June  18,  of  Baron  Von 
Ketteler,  German  ambassador  to  China,  who  was 
killed  by  a mob  as  he  was  mounting  his  horse  to 
call  on  the  Tsung-li-yamen.  The  baron  was  for- 
merly first  secretary  of  the  German  legation  at 
Washington,  and  married  Miss  Maud  Ledyard,  of 
Detroit,  IMich.,  daughter  of  H.  B.  Ledyard,  presi- 
dent of  the  Michigan  Central  Railroad.  At  the 
same  time  the  baron  was  killed  his  interpreter  was 
wounded,  but  saved  himself  by  running  into  the 
German  legation. 

Emperor  William  decided  to  act  at  once,  taking 
immediate  steps  for  the  dispatch  of  a large  fleet  and 
20,000  soldiers  to  Cliina.  In  a public  speech  at 
Kiel  he  declared  that  he  would  not  rest  until  he  had 
vengeance  on  China  for  the  German  blood  that  had 
been  spilt,  and  until  the  German  flag  floated  from 
the  walls  of  Pekin  side  by  side  with  the  flags  of  the 
other  powers. 

In  the  absence  of  direct  communication  wild 
rumors  continued  to  come  from  Pekin  as  to  the 
state  of  affairs  there.  One  of  these  was  to  the  effect 
that  the  whole  city  reeked  with  slaughter  and  that 
every  foreigner  there  had  been  killed.  Others  stated 


THE  CRISIS  m DETAIL. 


27 


that  the  legations  were  surrounded  by  Prince  Tuan’s 
boxers  and  that  all  foreigners  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  British  embassy,  the  strongest  of  the  foreign 
buildings  for  purposes  of  defense.  Artillery  was 
trained  on  these  legations  and  it  was  stated  that 
they  were  subjected  to  more  or  less  bombardment. 
As  Pekin  is  still  isolated  at  this  writing,  it  is 
impossible  to  confirm  these  rumors. 

Besides  the  wild  and  often  contradictory  rumors 
from  Pekin,  a few  dispatches  from  foreign  diplo- 
matic officials  there  have  filtered  through.  Captain 
Charles  M.  Thomas,  commander  of  the  cruiser 
Brooklyn,  transmitted  to  the  United  States  navy 
department  a letter  from  United  States  Minister 
Conger  dated  July  4 and  sent  to  Tientsin.  This 
letter  was  as  follows  : 

“ Been  besieged  two  weeks  British  legation.  Grave  danger 
general  massacre  by  Chinese  soldiers,  who  are  shelling  legation 
daily.  Belief  soon,  if  at  all.  City  without  government  except 
by  Chinese  army.  Determined  to  massacre  all  foreigners  in 
Pekin.  Entry  relief  forces  into  city  will  be  hotly  contested.” 

Another  message  from  Minister  Conger,  the 
authenticity  of  which  is  believed  by  Secretary  Hay 
but  doubted  by  diplomats  in  Europe  was  received 
later.  It  said  : 

“In  British  legation.  Under  continued  shot  and  shell  fire 
from  Chinese  troops.  Quick  relief  only  can  prevent  general 
massacre.” 

This  message  was  not  dated,  but  the  Chinese 
authorities  through  whom  it  was  received  said  it 


28 


THE  CEISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


was  sent  from  Pekin  July  18.  It  was  in  the 
cipher  of  the  Washington  state  department,  as  was 
the  dispatch  to  which  it  was  supposed  to  be  a reply. 
The  exchange  of  messages  came  about  in  this  way  : 
Despite  the  fact  that  Pekin  had  been  practically 
isolated  since  June  14,  the  Chinese  diplomatic 
representatives  at  Washington  and  European  capi- 
tals continued  to  receive  through  runners  what  pur- 
ported to  be  edicts  from  the  emperor  and  other  official 
communications  from  Pekin.  If  this  could  be  done, 
Secretary  Hay  argued,  why  could  not  the  Chinese 
government  get  through  a message  from  Minister 
Conger.  So  a dispatch  in  cipher  was  sent  to  Mr. 
Conger  through  Wu  Ting  Fang,  Chinese  minister 
at  Washington,  and  the  one  just  quoted,  signed  by 
Mr.  Conger,  was  received  a few  days  later  in  reply. 
The  chief  reason  for  the  credence  given  by  Secre- 
tary Hay  to  the  reply  was  that  it  was  an  answer  in 
code  to  a code  dispatch.  In  European  capitals  the 
intimation  was  thrown  out  that  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment had  sent  an  old  message  from  Mr.  Conger 
which  it  had  previously  intercepted. 

Sir  Claude  MacDonald,  British  minister  at  Pekin, 
sent  a letter  dated  July  4,  which  was  received  by 
the  British  consul  at  Tientsin  and  forwarded  to 
London.  It  stated  that  the  diplomats  were  assem- 
bled in  the  British  legation,  where  there  was  then 
food  enough  to  last  a fortnight,  but  the  garrison 
was  unequal  to  the  task  of  holding  out  against  a 
determined  attack  for  that  length  of  time.  There 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


29 


had  been  44  deaths  and  about  double  that  number 
of  wounded  in  the  legation.  An  appeal  was  made 
for  relief. 

Sir  Robert  Hart,  an  Englishman  who  is  the 
director  of  Chinese  maritime  customs,  sent  the  fol- 
lowing message  from  Pekin  July  5,  which  was 
received  by  his  wife  in  London  : 

“Our  people,  including  the  women,  are  in  the  legations. 
Prepare  to  hear  the  worst.” 

In  addition  to  these,  the  Chinese  diplomatic 
representatives  in  this  and  European  countries 
have  made  public  what  purports  to  be  an  imperial 
edict  issued  from  Pekin  July  18  giving  the  assur- 
ance that  all  the  ministers  at  that  capital,  except 
Baron  Von  Ketteler,  were  safe  on  that  day. 

An  important  cablegram  from  Li  Kui  Yi,  vice- 
roy of  Nankin  and  one  of  the  great  officials  of  the 
Chinese  government,  was  sent  to  Minister  Wu 
Ting  Fang.  It  was  dated  at  Nankin  July  21  and 
said  : 

“According  to  edict  of  22d  of  this  moon  [July  18],  with 
the  exception  of  the  German  Minister  who  was  killed  by 
anarchists,  with  regard  to  which  rigorous  measures  are  being 
taken  to  investigate  and  punish  the  guilty  parties,  all  the 
other  Ministers,  for  whom  strenuous  efforts  are  being  made 
for  their  protection,  are  fortunately  unharmed.” 

It  has  become  plainly  evident  that  whatever  be 
their  fate,  the  foreigners  have  not  been  without 
influential  friends  in  Pekin.  Among  the  chief  of 


30 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


these  was  Prince  Chin^,  who  until  recently  was 
president  of  the  Tsung-li-yamen,  from  which 
position  he  was  deposed  by  Prince  Tuan  as  not 
being  sufficiently  anti-foreign  in  his  purposes. 
Prince  Ching  rallied  the  Chinese  troops  who  re- 
mained faithful  and  undertook  the  task  of  pro- 
visioning and  defending  the  foreigners  shut  up  in 
the  British  legation.  With  what  success  his  efforts 
have  met  the  future  must  tell. 

The  isolation  of  Pekin  and  the  threatening  situation 
at  Tientsin  had  opened  the  eyes  of  the  powers  as  to 
the  formidable  task  before  them.  It  was  seen  that 
the  Chinese  were  no  longer  the  mediaeval  soldiers 
who  had  faced  Japan  in  the  war  of  1894.  They  had 
learned,  to  some  extent,  at  least,  the  art  of  war  as 
practiced  by  the  hated  “ foreign  devils  ” and,  more 
than  all  else,  had  obtained  large  supplies  of  modern 
arms  and  munitions.  Their  cannon  were  served  by 
men  who  knew  how  to  aim  and  shoot  and  tliey  had 
become  trained  to  the  use  of  the  rapid-fire  guns  of 
the  Maxim  and  Hotchkiss  types.  All  the  powers 
interested  prepared  to  rush  troops  and  ships  to 
China.  A fleet  of  45  war  vessels  soon  assembled 
on  the  coast  within  reach  of  Taku  and  transports 
laden  with  troops  began  to  arrive. 

The  United  States  Government,  at  first  averse  to 
landing  any  armed  force  on  Chinese  soil,  was  stirred 
to  energetic  action  by  the  peril  of  the  Americans  in 
Pekin  and  Tientsin.  We  have  already  seen  how 
the  cruiser  Newark  and  the  gunboat  Monocacy, 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL, 


31 


under  command  of  Rear-Admiral  Kempff,  were 
at  first  the  only  American  naval  representatives  at 
Taku.  To  these  were  added  successively  the  gun- 
boats Helena,  Princeton,  Yorktown,  Marietta  and 
Nashville,  the  armored  cruiser  Brooklyn  and 
several  colliers  and  supply  ships.  The  monitor 
Monterey,  the  cruiser  Don  Juan  de  Austria  and 
the  gunboat  Castine  were  maintained  at  Chinese 
ports  within  call  of  Taku,  The  battle-ship  Oregon 
was  ordered  from  Hong  Kong  to  Taku  but 
grounded  50  miles  north  of  Chefu  and  had  to  be 
sent  to  Japan  for  repairs,  Rear-Admiral  George 
C,  Remey,  commander  of  the  United  States  naval 
forces  on  the  Asiatic  station,  went  from  Manila  on 
the  Brooklyn  and  took  command  of  the  American 
fleet  at  Taku,  superseding  Rear-Admiral  Kempfif, 
Besides  these  warships  the  United  States  has 
about  7000  troops  either  in  China  or  on  the  way. 
The  first  regiment  dispatched  was  the  Ninth  Infan- 
try, which  went  from  Manila  to  Chefu,  sailing 
June  27  and  landing  July  8,  The  Fourth,  Four- 
teenth and  Twentieth  regiments  of  infantry  were 
ordered  from  the  Philippines  to  China  later  and 
the  Sixth  Cavalry  left  San  Francisco  for  the  same 
destination.  On  June  26  Gen,  Adna  R,  ChafiPee, 
wh©  had  won  fame  as  an  Indian  fighter  and  also  at 
Santiago,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
United  States  military  forces  in  China,  He  sailed 
from  San  Francisco  July  1 and  arrived  at  Nagasaki, 
Japan,  July  24  on  his  way  to  Taku,  Preparations 


32 


THE  CEISIS  IN  DETAIlv. 


were  also  made  to  seud  4000  marines,  making  11000 
men  altogether  for  land  operations. 

There  was  soon  plenty  of  work  for  the  Ninth 
Infantry,  the  first  American  regiment  on  the 
scene.  Landing  at  Chefu,  it  proceeded  as  soon  as 
possible  to  the  scene  of  trouble  at  Tientsin.  That 
city  had  been  intermittently  bombarded  ever  since 
the  rescue  of  Admiral  Seymour’s  ill-starred  force, 
June  26.  Tientsin  is  divided  into  two  parts — the 
native  city,  containing  about  a million  inhabitants, 
and  the  foreign  city,  or  settlement,  separated  from  the 
native  section  and  containing  about  fifteen  hundred 
inhabitants.  In  the  foreign  city  the  consulates  and 
other  pretentious  buildings  are  situated.  The 
Chinese  constructed  intrenchments  from  which  they 
bombarded  the  foreigners  and  also  harassed  them 
with  rifle  fire.  By  July  1,  there  were  15,000 
foreign  troops  in  Tientsin  and  the  investing  force  of 
Chinese  was  estimated  at  from  50,000  to  75,000. 
Hot  fighting  occurred  July  3 and  4.  A Russian 
company  of  infantry  was  nearly  wiped  out,  losing 
115  out  of  120  men  engaged.  The  British  and  Ger- 
mans also  lost  heavily.  When  the  Ninth  Infantry 
arrived  its  services  were  badly  needed.  The  foreign 
troops  had  all  they  could  do  to  hold  their  own  and 
the  Chinese  were  receiving  constant  accessions. 

Bloody  fighting  was  of  daily  occurrence  until 
July  13,  by  which  time  considerable  reinforce- 
ments were  on  the  scene  and  the  allies  felt 
bold  enough  to  undertake  aggressive  measures. 


PORTION  OF  THE  FOREIGN  SETTLEMENT  AT  TIENTSIN,  PARTLY  DESTROYED 
IN  THE  RECENT  FKmTING. 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


33 


They  left  a force  strong  enough  to  defend  the 
foreign  city  and  made  a counter  move  by  attack- 
ing the  native  city.  On  July  13  the  foreign 
storming  party  moved  to  the  attack.  At  first  the 
troops  met  a severe  check,  the  Chinese  pouring 
upon  them  a deadly  fire  from  machine  guns,  rifles 
and  cannon.  But  the  next  day  the  attack  was 
pressed  home  and  the  native  city  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  allies  who,  however,  had  paid  a terrible  price 
for  their  success.  Their  total  killed  and  wounded 
numbered  nearly  1000  men,  including  23  Americans 
killed  and  99  wounded.  Col.  Emerson  H.  Liscum, 
commander  of  the  Ninth  Infantry,  was  among  the 
killed.  The  heaviest  loss  among  the  allies  was 
sustained  by  the  Russians  and  Japanese.  It  is 
estimated  that  3000  Chinese  were  killed  in  the 
battle.  Sixty-two  of  their  cannon  were  captured. 
The  Chinese  retreated  to  a point  nearer  Pekin. 

The  complete  possession  of  Tientsin  was  a marked 
success  for  the  allies,  as  it  gave  them  a base  from 
which  to  move  on  Pekin.  They  realized,  however, 
that  to  advance  on  the  capital  would  require  about 
100,000  men,  or  at  least  75,000,  and  there  is  at  this 
writing  a temporary  halt  at  Tientsin  until  a force 
of  sufficient  size  can  be  collected.  The  European 
powers  realized  that  the  long  delay  which  must  ensue 
before  they  could  send  large  forces  to  the  scene  would 
perhaps  prevent  the  moving  of  the  relief  expedition 
until  too  late  to  be  of  help  to  the  foreigners  in 
Pekin.  They,  therefore,  at  the  initiative  of  Eng- 
3 


34 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


land,  authorized  Japan,  as  being  nearest  the  scene 
of  action,  to  send  a large  force  of  troops,  Japan 
agreeing  not  to  use  these  troops  to  gain  territorial 
advantage  for  herself.  She  is  preparing  to  send 
60,000  men,  who  will  raise  the  combined  force  of 
the  allies  up  to  about  100,000. 

Thus,  as  we  leave  the  actual  developments  of  the 
crisis  at  the  scene  of  its  principal  violence,  we 
find  Pekin  isolated  and  the  foreigners  there  sub- 
jected to  an  awful  ordeal,  which  may  end,  or 
has  ended,  in  the  slaughter  of  large  numbers  of 
them.  The  allies  are  in  possession  of  Taku  and 
Tientsin,  halting  their  troops  at  the  latter  place  to 
await  reinforcements  for  the  march  on  Pekin  to 
rescue  the  foreigners.  Practically  all  the  mission- 
aries have  fled  to  the  coast  cities,  where  they  are 
receiving  protection.  The  Boxers  are  confining 
their  operations  to  north  China,  the  southern 
provinces  not  having  openly  broken  into  rebellion. 
And  the  thousands  of  native  Christians  who  have 
given  up  the  religion  of  their  fathers  for  that  of  the 
man  of  Nazareth — who  can  tell  ? 

A digression  was  caused  by  conflicts  between  the 
Chinese  and  the  Russians  in  Manchuria  and  upon 
the  Siberian  frontier.  The  Chinese  attacked  Blago- 
vestcheusk,  on  the  north  or  Russian  bank  of  the 
Amur  river,  which  separates  Manchuria  from 
Siberia.  They  also  fell  upon  some  of  the  Russian 
varrisons  in  Manchuria.  The  Russians  drove  the 

O 

Chinese  out  of  Blagovestchensk,  and  attacked  them 


THE  CRISIS  IJSr  DETAIL. 


35 


at  several  towns  in  Manchuria,  adopting  a vigorous 
military  policy  which  left  no  doubt  that  the  Czar 
did  not  intend  to  lose  a single  point  of  vantage  from 
the  operations  of  the  Boxers.  The  St.  Petersburg 
government  proclaimed  a state  of  siege  all  along 
the  immense  stretch  of  Busso-Chinese  frontier,  and 
called  out  troops  in  great  numbers. 

The  policy  of  the  United  States  in  the  present 
crisis  has  been  clearly  laid  down  by  President 
McKinley  and  Secretary  Hay.  Minister  Conger 
and  the  military  and  naval  commanders  were  di- 
rected to  proceed  with  energy  in  the  protection  of 
American  lives  and  property,  but  were  warned  not 
to  be  a party  to  any  alliance  or  combination  of 
powers.  The  United  States  was  willing  for  its  land 
and  sea  forces  to  act  concurrently  with  those  of  the 
European  powers  in  steps  for  the  urgent  relief  of 
the  Americans  and  other  foreigners  at  Pekin,  but 
was  not  to  be  bound  by  any  compact. 

A circular  note  to  the  powers  was  drawn  up  by 
Secretary  Hay  June  30,  and  after  its  approval  by 
President  McKinley,  was  communicated  through  the 
medium  of  the  United  States  ambassadors  and  min- 
inisters  to  the  governments  for  whom  it  was  des- 
tined. It  was  as  follows  : 

“ In  this  critical  posture  of  affairs  in  China  it  is  deemed 
appropriate  to  detine  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  as  far 
as  present  circumstances  permit  this  to  be  done.  We  adhere 
to  the  policy  initiated  by  us  in  1857,  of  peace  with  the  Chinese 
nation,  of  furtherance  of  lawful  commerce  and  of  protection 


36 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


of  lives  and  property  of  our  citizens  by  all  means  guaranteed 
under  extraterritorial  treaty  rights  and  by  the  law  of  nations. 
If  wrong  be  done  to  our  citizens  we  propose  to  hold  the 
responsible  authors  to  the  uttermost  accountability.  We  re- 
gard the  condition  at  Pekin  as  one  of  virtual  anarchy,  whereby 
power  and  responsibility  are  practically  devolved  upon  the 
local  provincial  authorities.  So  long  as  they  are  not  in  overt 
collusion  with  rebellion  and  use  their  power  to  protect  foreign 
life  and  property  we  regard  them  as  representing  the  Chinese 
people,  with  whom  we  seek  to  remain  in  peace  and  friendship. 
The  purpose  of  the  President  is,  as  it  has  been  heretofore,  to 
act  concurrently  with  the  other  powers,  first,  in  opening  up 
communication  with  Pekin  and  rescuing  the  American  oflScials, 
missionaries  and  other  Americans  who  are  in  danger ; secondly, 
in  affording  all  possible  protection  everywhere  in  China  to 
American  life  and  property ; thirdly,  in  guarding  and  protect- 
ing all  legitimate  ,\merican  interests,  and  fourthly,  in  aiding 
to  prevent  a spread  of  the  disorders  to  the  other  provinces  of 
the  Empire  and  a recurrence  of  such  disasters.  It  is,  of  course, 
too  early  to  forecast  the  means  of  attaining  this  last  result,  but 
the  policy  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  to  seek 
a solution  which  may  bring  about  permanent  safety  and  peace 
to  China,  preserve  Chinese  territorial  and  administrative 
entity,  protect  all  rights  guaranteed  to  friendly  powers  by 
treaty  and  international  law  and  safeguard  for  the  world  the 
principle  of  equal  and  impartial  trade  with  all  parts  of  the 
Chinese  Empire.  You  will  communicate  the  purport  of  this 
instruction  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.” 

All  the  powers  have  signified  their  assent  to  the 
American  policy  as  thus  laid  down.  So  for  the 
moment  the  spectacle  is  presented  of  unity  for  main- 
taining the  integrity  of  the  Chinese  empire,  but  this 
situation  may  change  at  any  time,  for  Russia, 
England,  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Japan  all 
seek  a share  in  the  division  of  the  empire  if  it  takes 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


37 


place.  They  are  content  for  the  present  to  see  that 
no  one  of  them  gains  any  advantage  over  the  others, 
realizing  that  seizure  of  Chinese  territory  for  pur- 
poses of  permanent  occupation  probably  involves  a 
world-war  of  appalling  magnitude.  Only  a spark 
is  required  to  start  this  war,  and  the  peoples  of  the 
world  may  well  pray  that  it  be  averted. 

The  position  of  the  Chinese  government  in 
regard  to  the  grave  events  of  the  last  few  months 
was  set  forth  in  an  imperial  decree  promulgated 
under  date  of  June  29.  This  was  presented  to  the 
powers  by  the  Chinese  Ambassadors.  It  was  as 
follows  : 

“The  circumstances  which  led  to  the  commencement  of 
fighting  between  Chinese  and  foreigners  were  of  such  a com- 
plex, confusing  and  unfortunate  character  as  to  be  entirely 
unexpected.  Our  diplomatic  representatives  abroad,  owing  to 
their  distance  from  the  scene  of  action,  have  had  no  means  of 
knowing  the  true  state  of  things  and  accordingly  cannot  lay 
the  views  of  the  government  before  the  ministers  for  foreign 
affairs  of  the  respective  powers  to  which  they  are  accredited. 
Now  we  take  this  opportunity  of  going  fully  into  the  matter 
for  the  information  of  our  repre.^entatives  aforesaid. 

“ In  the  first  place  there  arose  in  the  provinces  of  Pechili 
and  Shantung  a kind  of  rebellious  subjects  who  had  been  in 
the  habit  of  practising  boxing  and  fencing  in  their  respective 
villages  and  at  the  same  time  clothing  their  doings  with  spir- 
itualistic and  strange  rites.  The  local  authorities  failed  to 
take  due  notice  of  them  at  the  time.  Accordingly  the  infection 
spread  with  astonishing  rapidity.  Within  the  space  of  a 
month  it  seemed  to  make  its  appearance  everywhere  and 
finally  even  reached  the  capital  itself.  Everyone  looked 
upon  the  movement  as  supernatural  and  strange  and  many 


38 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


joined  it.  Then  there  were  lawless  and  treacherous  persons 
who  sounded  the  cry  of  ‘ down  with  Christianity.’ 

“ These  persons  began  to  create  disturbances  without  warn- 
ing. Churches  were  burnt  and  converts  were  killed.  The 
whose  city  was  in  a ferment.  A situation  was  created  which 
could  not  be  brought  under  control.  At  first  the  foreign  powers 
requested  that  foreign  troops  be  allowed  to  enter  the  capital  for 
the  protection  of  the  legations.  The  Imperial  Government, 
having  in  view  the  comparative  urgency  of  the  occasion,  granted 
the  request  as  an  extraordinary  mark  of  courtesy  beyond  the 
requirements  of  international  intercourse. 

“ Over  500  foreign  troops  were  sent  to  Pekin.  This  shows 
clearly  how  much  care  China  exercises  in  the  maintenance  of 
friendly  relations  with  other  countries.  The  legations  at  the 
capital  never  had  much  to  do  with  the  people.  But  from  the 
time  foreign  troops  entered  the  city  the  guards  did  not  devote 
themselves  exclusively  to  the  protection  of  their  respective  lega- 
tions. They  sometimes  fired  their  guns  on  top  of  the  city  walls 
and  sometimes  patrolled  the  streets  everywhere.  There  were 
repeated  reports  of  persons  being  hit  by  stray  bullets.  They 
strolled  about  the  city  without  restraint,  and  even  attempted  to 
enter  the  Tung  Hua  gate  (the  eastern  gate  of  the  palace 
grounds).  They  only  desisted  when  admittance  was  positively 
forbidden. 

“On  this  account  both  the  soldiers  and  the  people  were  pro- 
voked to  resentment  and  voiced  their  indignation  with  one 
accord.  Lawless  persons  then  took  advantage  of  the  situation 
to  do  mischief  and  became  bolder  than  ever  in  burning  and 
killing  Christian  converts.  The  powers  thereupon  attempted 
to  reinforce  the  foreign  troops  in  Pekin,  but  the  reinforcements 
encountered  resistance  and  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  insurgents 
on  the  way,  and  have  not  yet  been  able  to  proceed.  Tbe  in- 
surgents of  the  two  provinces  of  Pechili  and  Shantung  had  by 
this  time  eflfected  a’  complete  union  and  could  not  be  sepa- 
rated. 

“The  Imperial  Government  was  by  no  means  reluctant  to 
issue  orders  for  the  entire  suppression  of  this  insurgent  ele- 


THE  CRISIS  IK  DETAIL. 


39 


ment.  But  as  the  trouble  was  so  near  at  hand,  there  was  a 
great  fear  that  due  protection  might  not  be  assured  to  the  lega- 
tions if  the  anarchists  should  be  driven  to  extremities,  thus 
bringing  on  a national  calamity.  There  also  was  a fear  that 
uprisings  might  occur  in  tlie  provinces  of  Pechili  and  Shan- 
tung at  the  same  time,  with  the  result  that  both  foreign  mis- 
sionaries and  Chinese  converts  in  the  two  provinces  might  fall 
victims  to  popular  fury.  It  was,  therefore,  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  consider  the  matter  from  every  point  of  view. 

“As  a measure  of  precaution  it  was  finally  decided  to  request 
the  foreign  ministers  to  retire  temporarily  to  Tientsin  for 
safety.  It  was  while  the  discussion  of  this  proposition  was  in 
progress  that  the  German  Minister,  Baron  von  Ketteler,  was 
assassinated  by  a riotous  mob  one  morning  while  on  his  way  to 
the  Tsung  li  Yamen.  On  the  previous  day  the  German  Min- 
ister had  written  a letter  appointing  a time  for  calling  at  the 
Tsung  li  Yamen.  But  the  office  fearing  he  might  be  molested 
on  the  way  did  not  consent  to  the  appointment  as  suggested  by 
the  Minister. 

“Since  this  occurrence  the  anarchists  as.suraed  a more  bold 
and  threatening  attitude  and  consequently  it  was  not  deemed 
wise  to  carry  out  the  project  of  sending  the  diplomatic  corps 
to  Tientsin  under  an  escort.  However,  orders  were  issued  to 
the  troops  detailed  for  the  protection  of  the  legations  to  keep 
stricter  watch  and  take  greater  precaution  against  any  emer- 
gency. To  our  surprise,  on  June  16,  foreign  naval  officers  at 
Taku  called  upon  Lo  Jung  Kuang,  the  general  commanding, 
and  demanded  his  surrender  of  the  forts,  notifying  him  that 
failing  to  receive  compliance  they  would  at  2 o’clock  the  next 
day  take  steps  to  seize  the  forts  by  force.  Lo  Jung  Kuang 
being  bound  by  the  duties  of  his  office  to  hold  the  forts,  how 
could  he  yield  to  the  demand  ? 

“On  the  day  named  they  actually  first  fired  upon  the  forts, 
which  responded  and  kept  up  a fighting  all  day  and  then 
surrendered.  Thus  the  conflict  of  forces  began,  but  certainly 
the  initiative  did  not  come  from  our  side.  Even  supposing 
that  China  were  not  conscious  of  her  true  condition  how  could 


40 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


she  take  such  a step  as  to  engage  in  war  with  all  the  powers 
simultaneously,  and  how  could  she,  relying  upon  the  support 
of  an  anarchistic  populace,  go  into  war  with  the  )X)wers  ? Our 
position  in  this  emergency  ought  to  be  clearly  understood  by 
all  the  powers.  The  above  is  a statement  of  the  wrongs  we 
have  suffered  and  how  China  was  driven  to  the  unfortunate 
position  from  which  she  could  not  escape. 

“Our  several  Ministers  will  make  known  accurately  and  in 
detail  the  contents  of  this  decree  and  the  policy  of  China  to 
the  Ministers  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  their  respective  countries, 
and  assure  them  that  military  authorities  are  still  strictly 
enjoined  to  afford  protection  to  the  legations  as  hitherto  to  the 
utmost  of  their  power.  As  for  the  anarchists,  they  will  be 
severely  dealt  with  as  circumstances  permit.  The  several 
Ministers  will  continue  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  their 
oflSce  as  hitherto  without  hesitation  or  doubt.” 

The  Chinese  ministers  to  Washington  and  several 
European  capitals  have  appealed  in  the  name  of 
the  emperor  for  mediation  to  end  the  crisis.  The 
emperor’s  letter  to  President  McKinley  on  this 
subject  was  as  follows : 

“ The  Emperor  of  China  to  his  Excellency  the  President  of  the 
United  Slates: — China  has  long  maintained  friendly  relations 
with  the  United  States  and  is  deeply  conscious  that  the  object 
of  the  United  States  is  international  commerce.  Neither 
country  entertains  the  least  suspicion  or  distrust  toward  the 
other.  Recent  outbreaks  of  mutual  antipathy  between  the 
people  and  Christian  missions  caused  the  foreign  powers  to 
view  with  suspicion  the  position  of  the  Imperial  Government 
ns  favorable  to  the  people  and  prejudicial  to  the  missions,  with 
the  result  that  the  Taku  forts  were  attacked  and  captured. 
Consequently  there  has  been  clashing  of  forces  with  calamitous 
consequences.  The  situation  has  become  more  and  more 
serious  and  critical. 


THE  CEISIS  m DETAIL. 


41 


“We  have  just  received  a telegraphic  memorial  from  our 
Envoy  Wu  Ting  Fang,  and  it  is  highly  gratifying  to  us  to  learn 
that  the  United  States  Government,  having  in  view  the  friendly 
relations  between  the  two  countries,  has  taken  a deep  interest 
in  the  present  situation.  Now  China,  driven  by  the  irresistible 
course  of  events,  has  unfortunately  incurred  well-nigh  universal 
indignation.  For  settling  the  present  difficulty  China  places 
special  reliance  in  the  United  States.  We  address  this  message 
to  your  Excellency  in  all  sincerity  and  candidness,  with  the 
hope  that  your  Excellency  will  devise  measures  and  take  the 
initiative  in  bringing  about  a concert  of  the  powers  for  the 
restoration  of  order  and  peace.  The  favor  of  a kind  reply  is 
earnestly  requested  and  awaited  with  the  greatest  anxiety. 

“ Kuang  Hsu,  26th  year,  6th  moon,  23d  day.” 

[July  19,  1900.] 

President  McKinley  made  the  following  answer 
to  the  emperor : 

“ I have  received  your  Majesty’s  message  of  the  19th  of  July 
and  am  glad  to  know  that  your  Majesty  recognizes  the  fact  that 
the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States  desire  of  China 
nothing  but  what  is  just  and  equitable.  The  purpose  for  which 
we  landed  troops  in  China  was  the  rescue  of  our  legation  from 
grave  danger  and  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  property  of 
Americans  who  were  sojourning  in  China  in  the  enjoyment  of 
rights  guaranteed  them  by  treaty  and  by  international  law. 
The  same  purposes  are  publicly  declared  by  all  the  powers 
which  have  landed  military  forces  in  your  Majesty’s  Empire. 

“ I am  to  infer  from  your  Majesty’s  letter  that  the  malefactors 
who  have  disturbed  the  peace  of  China,  who  have  murdered 
the  Minister  of  Germany  and  a member  of  the  Japanese  lega- 
tion, and  who  now  hold  besieged  in  Pekin  those  foreign  diplo- 
matists who  still  survive,  have  not  only  not  received  any  favor 
or  encouragement  from  your  Majesty,  but  are  aetually  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  imperial  authority.  If  this  be  the  case  I most 
solemnly  urge  upon  your  Majesty’s  Government  to  give  public 


42 


THE  CRISIS  IN  DETAIL. 


assurance  whether  the  foreign  Ministers  are  alive,  and,  if  so, 
in  what  condition ; to  put  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the 
powers  in  immediate  and  free  communication  with  their  re- 
spective governments  and  to  remove  all  danger  to  their  lives 
and  liberty;  to  place  the  imperial  authorities  of  China  in  com- 
munication with  the  relief  expedition  so  that  co-operation  may 
be  secured  between  them  for  the  liberation  of  the  legations,  the 
protection  of  foreigners  and  the  restoration  of  order. 

“ If  these  objects  are  accomplished  it  is  the  belief  of  this 
Government  that  no  obstacles  will  be  found  to  exist  on  the  part 
of  the  powers  to  an  amicable  settlement  of  all  the  questions 
arising  out  of  the  recent  troubles,  and  the  friendly  good  offices 
of  this  Government  will,  with  the  assent  of  the  other  powers, 
be  cheerfully  placed  at  your  Majesty’s  disposition  for  that 
purpose. 

William  McKinley.” 

As  a further  outcome  of  the  crisis,  the  United 
States  Government  appointed  Mr.  W.  W.  Rockhill, 
director  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics,  to 
go  to  China,  in  the  capacity  of  special  commissioner 
from  this  country  to  investigate  the  situation. 

Thus  at  the  present  date  (July  26)  the  machinery 
of  diplomacy  as  well  as  war  is  fully  in  motion.  The 
development  to  which  all  are  looking  forward  is 
the  relief  of  Pekin.  The  Chinese  government  itself 
may  raise  the  city’s  isolation  by  asserting  itself  over 
the  lawless  elements  and  restoring  free  communica- 
tion. This  would  be  far  better  for  the  peace  of  the 
world  than  waiting  for  the  allies  to  force  their  way, 
which  they  evidently  intend  to  do  if  necessary. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Interests  of  the  United  States  in  China. 
HE  interests  of  the  United  States  in  China, 


aside  from  the  protection  of  our  citizens — a 
duty  incumbent  in  all  countries — must  be  calculated 
exclusively  in  dollars  and  cents.  We  have  no  ter- 
ritorial rights  there,  except  for  a faint  approach  to 
them  in  the  form  of  a share  in  the  foreign  settlement 
at  Shanghai.  Some  persons,  looking  at  the  question 
on  what  are  called  ‘‘  broad  grounds,”  regard  the 
acquisition  of  the  Philippines  by  the  treaty  of  Paris 
as  a step  looking  ultimately  more  to  advantages  in 
China  than  in  the  Philippines  themselves.  This 
act  made  the  American  flag  a near  neighbor  of 
China.  From  Manila  to  Hong  Kong  and  Shanghai 
is  a voyage  of  but  a few  days,  and  the  great  city 
which  is  the  capital  of  the  Philippines  may  in  that 
sense  be  regarded  as  a “ stepping  stone  to  China.” 
Even  omitting  the  Philippines  from  consideration 
the  United  States  is  a nearer  neighbor  of  China 
than  any  European  power  except  Russia,  whose 
possessions  touch  every  inch  of  her  long  northern 
boundary.  The  breadth  of  the  Pacific,  it  is  true, 
is  a considerable  separation  between  the  house  of 
one  neighbor  and  that  of  another.  But  the  voyage 


43 


44 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


from  Seattle  or  San  Francisco  to  China  is  made  in 
a little  over  two  weeks  by  an  almost  direct  route, 
while,  except  for  Russia,  Europe  must  resort  to  the 
long  and  tortuous  passage  by  way  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean sea  and  tlie  Suez  canal,  and  then  double  half 
way  around  Asia  to  reach  the  stopping  place.  The 
effect  of  this  comparative  nearness  to  China  has  been 
to  put  it  in  America’s  power  to  gain  a preponder- 
ance of  the  empire’s  trade.  Herein  lies  the  import- 
ance to  this  country  of  the  ‘‘open  door,”  which  we 
will  consider  further  on. 

In  the  more  exalted  relation  of  international 
comity  the  United  States  has  played  a part  in 
China  which  reflects  distinguished  credit.  Up  to  this 
time,  at  least,  this  country  has  pursued  a consistent 
policy  of  fairness,  justice  and  disinterestedness 
toward  the  much-persecuted  empire.  She  has  been 
the  friend  who  had  no  axes  to  grind,  who  would 
not  be  drawn  into  bullying  China  out  of  the  inher- 
ent rights  of  the  people  to  the  country  which  has 
been  the  land  of  their  ancestors  from  the  remote 
past.  Li  Hung  Chang,  the  greatest  of  China’s 
statesmen,  has  often  said  that  the  United  States, 
alone  of  the  world’s  great  powers,  was  to  be  trusted 
by  China  as  an  honorable  friend,  not  seeking  to 
disturb  her  independence  or  integrity  and  concerned 
in  the  rights  of  trade  only  in  a legitimate  way. 
Within  the  last  month  Li  Hung  Chang  has 
expressed  this  same  sentiment.  When  the  war 
between  China  and  Japan  broke  out  in  1894,  the 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


45 


United  States  offered  friendly  mediation  and  strove 
to  avert  the  conflict  without  interfering  in  any  way 
with  the  rights  of  either  combatant.  During  the 
continuance  of  that  struggle  the  United  States  minis- 
ter and  consuls  in  Japan  represented  China’s  inter- 
ests and  those  in  China,  performed  a like  service 
for  Japan. 

We  now  come  to  consider  more  in  detail  the 
interests  of  the  United  States  in  China  from  the 
dollar  and  cent  point  of  view.  In  recent  years 
imports  of  American  goods  into  China  have  gained 
more  rapidly  than  those  of  any  other  country.  We 
bid  fair  in  this  respect  to  outstrip  the  world.  The 
oft-quoted  doctrine  that  “trade  follows  the  flag” 
here  receives  a rude  blow.  Without  owning  a foot 
of  territory  in  China,  and  with  no  further  concession 
than  the  “ open  door  ” to  our  commerce  we  may 
draw  the  prize  of  Chinese  trade  for  which  Europe 
has  been  so  eagerly  grasping. 

At  this  time  the  precedence  of  the  countries 
trading  with  China,  in  their  respective  shares  of 
her  commerce,  is  as  follows : (1)  England  and  her 
colonies,  (2)  Japan,  (3)  The  United  States,  (4) 
Russia,  (5)  Germany,  (6)  France,  (7)  Belgium,  (8) 
Austria,  (9)  Switzerland.  Nearly  all  the  American 
trade  is  carried  on  under  the  flags  of  other  nations 
which  build  and  own  ocean-carrying  ships  more  ex- 
tensively. The  latest  United  States  consular  reports 
show  the  value  of  trade  with  China  by  the  countries 
of  the  world  in  1899,  to  have  been  as  follows : 


46 


INTEEEST  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


118,096,208 

4,482,383 

31,911,214 

11,767,236 

13,694,802 

31,414,362 

taels. 

22,288,745 

40,161,115 

Imports. 

85,088,318 

3,229,557 

22,992,030 

8,478,293 

9,867,105 1 
22,634,048! 

§16,059,04] 

28,936,083 

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INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


47 


In  four  years  the  United  States  has  doubled  its 
sales  to  China  and  Great  Britain’s  fell  off  about 
$3,000,000.  Last  year  the  cotton  goods  trade  rep- 
resented more  than  half  the  entire  exports  of  this 
country  to  China,  which  bought  more  than  half 
our  total  sales  of  cotton  cloths  to  the  world.  These 
are  striking  figures  and  show  what  the  trade  of  that 
empire  means  to  the  United  States.  This  trade  is 
much  more  important  even  than  statistics  show. 
Consul  Fowler,  the  energetic  representative  of  the 
United  States  at  Chefoo,  holds  to  the  opinion  that 
American  commerce  with  China  is  underestimated 
by  at  least  one-third. 

The  recent  subjection  of  North  China  to  Russian 
influence  has  been  of  vast  commercial  benefit  to  the 
United  States.  Russia  cannot  produce  the  manu- 
factured articles  which  she  needs  for  the  develop- 
ment of  that  immense  territory  and  she  buys  almost 
exclusively  from  the  United  States.  Her  great 
Siberian  railroad  and  its  branches  are  being  con- 
structed of  American  material  and  the  traffic  over 
the  completed  parts  of  it  is  done  by  American 
locomotives  and  cars. 

The  leading  articles  of  American  export  to  China 
are  cotton  goods  and  petroleum  ; the  leading  staples 
which  China  sends  to  us  are  tea  and  silk.  She  also 
sends  great  quantities  of  hemp,  hides,  leather,  mat- 
tings, oils  aud  feathers.  Four-fifths  of  the  principal 
manufactured  articles  of  this  country  are  represented 
in  the  trade  to  China. 


48  INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Before  passing  to  the  subject  of  the  “open  door’' 
let  us  consider  an  incident  in  our  national  career 
which  tends  to  tie  our  hands,  in  a moral  sense,  in 
any  effort  to  force  Americans  or  American  innova- 
tions on  China.  This  is  the  Chinese  exclusion  law 
enacted  by  the  United  States  Congress  and  having 
the  practical  effect  of  shutting  out  from  this  country 
all  Chinese  immigrants.  Its  justification,  of  course, 
is  found  in  the  right  of  the  American  people  to  pro- 
tect themselves  from  race  admixture  and  also  in  the 
fact  that  repeated  outbreaks  of  lawlessness  directed 
against  Chinese  immigrants  occurred  on  the  Pacific 
coast  previous  to  the  passage  of  the  law.  In  these 
outbreaks  we  have  a parallel  to  the  Boxer  agitation, 
from  which  they  differed  not  in  principle,  but  in 
degree  only.  And  if  we  assume  the  right  to  pro- 
tect ourselves  from  the  influx  of  another  race,  surely 
the  Chinese  can  claim  the  same  right.  The  ques- 
tion may  be  asked  if  any  country  in  the  Western 
world  would  submit  to  a wave  of  Chinese  aggres- 
sion involving  the  overthrow  of  the  Christian 
religion  and  the  political  domination  of  the  Orien- 
tals. We  do  not  have  to  stretch  the  imagination 
far  to  conjure  up  bloody  wars  that  would  result  in 
a decisive  overthrow  of  the  aliens.  Indeed,  a 
parallel  can  be  found  in  the  strenuous  resistance  of 
Europe  to  the  Moorish  tide  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  following  recent  table  shows  the  number  of 
foreigners  and  foreign  business  firms  in  Cliina  as 
registered  at  the  consulates  of  the  33  treaty  ports  : 


LNTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


49 


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50 


INTEREST  OE  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


We  now  come  to  a consideration  of  the  “open 
door.”  Whatever  may  be  the  exact  meaning  of  the 
promises  made  on  this  subject,  the  negotiations  were 
of  the  first  importance  to  this  country  and  to  the 
world.  They  represent  the  present  extent  of  Amer- 
ican material  interest  in  China — trade  alone — and 
show  the  view  of  the  Washington  government  as  to 
the  steps  to  be  taken  to  preserve  it.  Apparently 
the  United  States,  though  opposed  to  a partition  of 
China,  realizes  that  it  may  come  at  some  day  and, 
while  not  wanting  to  acquire  territorial  rights  there, 
insists  that  each  nation  which  does  so  shall  grant 
the  following  requests : 

First.  That  it  will  in  no  way  interfere  with  any 
treaty  port  or  vested  interest  within  any  so-called 
“ sphere  of  interest  ” or  leased  territory  it  may  have 
in  China. 

Second.  That  the  Chinese  treaty  tariff  of  the 
time  being  shall  apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or 
shipped  to  all  ports  which  are  within  such  “sphere 
of  interest”  (unless  they  be  free  ports),  no  matter 
to  what  nationality  it  may  belong,  and  that  duties 
so  leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment. 

Third.  That  it  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues 
on  vessels  of  another  nationality  frequenting  any 
port  in  such  “ sphere  ” than  shall  be  levied  on  ves- 
sels of  its  own  nationality,  and  no  higher  railroad 
charges  over  lines  built,  controlled,  or  operated 


INTEREST  OE  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


51 


within  its  “sphere”  on  merchandise  belonging  to 
citizens  or  subjects  of  other  nationalities  transported 
through  such  “ sphere  ” than  shall  be  levied  on 
similar  merchandise  belonging  to  its  own  nationals 
transported  over  equal  distances. 

The  governments  addressed  were  those  of  Great 
Britain,  Russia,  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Japan. 
The  United  States  officially  takes  the  view  that  their 
replies  agreed  to  the  three  propositions  laid  down, 
and  apparently  it  will  insist  that  they  shall  be  car- 
ried out.  Some  have  declared  that  the  replies  of 
Great  Britain  and  Russia,  while  cordial  in  tone,  do 
not  amount  to  a binding  promise,  and  that  those 
governments  may  one  day  construe  the  phraseology 
to  suit  themselves. 

The  correspondence  extended  from  September  6, 
1899,  to  March  20,  1900,  the  last  date  marking  the 
completion  of  the  undertaking. 

On  September  6,  the  State  Department  addressed 
to  the  United  States  Ambassadors  at  London,  Ber- 
lin and  St.  Petersburg,  copies  of  a formal  declaration 
setting  out  the  desires  of  this  Government  in  reference 
to  the  “ open  door.”  Italy  and  Japan  were  similarly 
addressed  about  a mouth  later.  While  the  “ formal 
declaration  ” sent  to  the  Ambassadors  was  similar  in 
each  case,  and  requested  agreement  by  the  respective 
governments  to  the  three  propositions  laid  down, 
yet,  each  of  the  Ambassadors  adopted  a dijfferent 
phraseology  in  addressing  himself  to  the  Government 
to  which  he  was  accredited. 


52 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  full  text  of  the  correspondence,  as  far  as  it 
has  been  officially  made  public,  is  here  appended 
and  the  reader  can  judge  for  himself  the  meaning 
of  the  reply  sent  by  each  nation  : 

GREAT  BRITAIN. 

Ambassador  Choate  to  Lord  Salisbury. 

Embassy  of  the  United  States, 

London,  September  22,  1899. 

My  Lord:  I am  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
present  to  your  lordship  a matter  which  the  President  regards 
as  of  great  and  equal  importance  to  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States — in  the  maintenance  of  trade  and  commerce  in 
the  East,  in  which  the  interest  of  the  two  nations  differs,  not 
in  character,  but  in  degree  only — and  to  ask  for  action  on  the 
part  of  Her  Majesty’s  Government  which  the  President  con- 
ceives to  be  in  exact  accord  with  its  uniformly  declared  policy 
and  traditions,  and  which  will  greatly  promote  the  welfare  of 
commerce. 

He  understands  it  to  be  the  settled  policy  and  purpose  of 
Great  Britain  not  to  use  any  privileges  which  may  be  granted 
to  it  in  China  as  a means  of  excluding  any  commercial  rivals, 
and  that  freedom  of  trade  for  it  in  that  Empire  means  freedom 
of  trade  for  all  the  world  alike.  Her  Majesty’s  Government, 
while  conceding  by  formal  agreements  with  Germany  and 
Russia  the  possession  of  “ spheres  of  influence  or  interest  ” in 
China,  in  which  they  are  to  enjoy  especial  rights  and  privi- 
leges, particularly  in  respect  to  railroads  and  mining  enter- 
prises, has  at  the  same  time  sought  to  maintain  what  is 
commonly  called  the  “open-door”  policy,  to  secure  to  the 
commerce  and  navigation  of  all  nations  equality  of  treatment 
within  such  “spheres.”  The  maintenance  of  this  policy  is 
alike  urgently  demanded  by  the  commercial  communities  of 


INTEBEST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


53 


our  two  nations,  as  it  is  justly  held  by  them  to  be  the  only  one 
which  will  improve  existing  conditions,  enable  them  to  main- 
tain their  positions  in  the  markets  of  China,  and  extend  their 
future  operations. 

While  the  Government  of  the  United  States  will  in  no  way 
commit  itself  to  any  recognition  of  the  exclusive  rights  of  any 
power  within  or  control  over  any  portion  of  the  Chinese 
Empire,  under  such  agreements  as  have  been  recently  made, 
it  can  not  conceal  its  apprehensions  that  there  is  danger  of 
complications  arising  between  the  treaty  powers  which  may 
imperil  the  rights  insured  to  the  United  States  by  its  treaties 
with  China. 

It  is  the  sincere  desire  of  my  Government  that  the  interests 
of  its  citizens  may  not  be  prejudiced  through  exclusive  treat- 
ment by  any  of  the  controling  powers  within  their  respective 
“ spheres  of  interests  ” in  China,  and  it  hopes  to  retain  there 
an  open  market  for  all  the  world’s  commerce,  remove  danger- 
ous sources  of  international  irritation,  and  thereby  hasten 
united  action  of  the  powers  at  Pekin  to  promote  administrative 
reforms  so  greatly  needed  for  strengthening  the  Imperial 
Government  and  maintaining  the  integrity  of  China,  in  which 
it  believes  the  whole  Western  World  is  alike  concerned.  It 
believes  that  such  a result  may  be  greatly  aided  and  advanced 
by  declarations  by  the  various  powers  claiming  “spheres  of 
interest”  in  China  as  to  their  intentions  in  regard  to  the  treat- 
ment of  foreign  trade  and  commerce  therein,  and  that  the 
present  is  a very  favorable  moment  for  informing  Her  Majesty’s 
Government  of  the  desire  of  the  United  States  to  have  it  make 
on  its  own  part  and  to  lend  its  powerful  support  in  the  effort 
to  obtain  from  each  of  the  various  powers  claiming  “spheres 
of  interest”  in  China  a declaration  substantially  to  the  follow- 
ing effect: 

(1)  That  it  will  in  no  wise  interfere  with  any  treaty  port  or 
any  vested  interest  within  any  so-called  “sphere  of  interest” 
or  leaded  territory  it  may  have  in  China. 

(2)  That  the  Chinese  treaty  tariff  of  the  time  being  shall 
apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  aU  such  ports 


54 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


as  are  within  such  “sphere  of  interest”  (unless  they  he  “free 
ports”),  no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  may  belong,  and  that 
duty  so  leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese  Government. 

(3)  That  it  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels  of 
another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  “sphere” 
than  shall  be  levied  on  vessels  of  its  own  nationality  and  no 
higher  railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled,  or  operated 
within  its  “sphere”  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens 
or  subjects  of  other  nationalities  transported  through  such 
“sphere”  than  shall  be  levied  on  similar  merchandise  belong- 
ing to  its  own  nationals  transported  over  equal  distances. 

The  President  has  strong  reason  to  believe  that  the  Govern- 
ments of  both  Russia  and  Germany  will  cooperate  in  such  an 
understanding  as  is  Iiere  proposed.  The  recent  ukase  of  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Russia  declaring  the  port  of  Talien- 
wan  open  to  the  merchant  ships  of  all  nations  during  the  whole 
term  of  the  lease  under  which  it  is  to  be  held  by  Russia 
removes  all  uncertainty  as  to  the  liberal  and  conciliatory  policy 
of  that  power  and  justifies  the  expectation  that  His  Majesty 
would  accede  to  the  similar  request  of  the  United  States  now 
being  presented  to  him  and  make  the  desired  declaration. 

The  recent  action  of  Germany  in  declaring  the  port  of 
Kiaochau  a “free  port,”  and  the  aid  which  its  Government 
has  given  China  in  establishing  there  a Chinese  custom-house, 
coupled  with  oral  assurances  given  the  United  States  by 
Germany  that  the  interests  of  the  United  States  and  its 
citizens  within  its  “sphere”  would  in  no  wise  be  affected  by 
its  occupation  of  this  portion  of  the  province  of  Shantung, 
encourage  the  belief  that  little  opposition  is  to  be  anticipated 
to  the  President’s  request  for  a similar  declaration  from  that 
power. 

It  is  needless,  also,  to  add  that  Japan,  the  power  next  most 
largely  interested  in  the  trade  of  China,  must  be  in  entire 
sympathy  with  the  views  here  expressed,  and  that  its  interests 
will  be  largely  served  by  the  proposed  arrangement;  and  the 
declarations  of  its  statesmen  within  the  last  year  are  so  entirely 
in  line  with  it  that  the  cooperation  of  that  power  is  confidently 
relied  upon. 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


55 


It  is,  therefore,  with  the  greatest  pleasure  that  I present  this 
matter  to  your  lordship’s  attention  and  urge  its  prompt  con- 
sideration by  Her  Majesty’s  Government,  believing  that  the 
action  is  in  entire  harmony  with  its  consistent  theory  and 
purpose,  and  that  it  will  greatly  r&lound  to  the  benefit  and 
advantage  of  all  commercial  nations  alike.  The  prompt  and 
sympathetic  cooperation  of  Her  Majesty’s  Government  with 
the  United  States  in  this  important  matter  will  be  very  potent 
in  promoting  its  adoption  by  all  the  powers  concerned. 

I have,  etc., 

Joseph  H.  Choate. 


Lord  Salisbury  lo  Ambassador  Choate. 

Foreign  Office, 
London,  September  29,  1899. 

Your  Excellency:  I have  read  with  great  interest  the 
communication  which  you  handed  to  me  on  the  22d  instant,  in 
which  you  inform  me  of  the  desire  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment to  obtain  from  the  various  powers  claiming  spheres  of 
interest  in  China  declarations  as  to  their  intentions  in  regard  to 
the  treatment  of  foreign  trade  and  commerce  therein. 

I have  the  honor  to  inform  your  excellency  that  I will  lose 
no  time  in  consulting  my  colleagues  in  regard  to  a declaration 
by  Her  Majesty’s  Government  and  on  the  proposal  that  they 
should  co-operate  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in 
obtaining  similar  declarations  by  the  other  powers  concerned. 

In  the  meantime,  I may  assure  your  excellency  that  the  pol- 
icy consistently  advocated  by  this  country  is  one  of  securing 
equal  opportunity  for  the  subjects  and  citizens  of  all  nations  in 
regard  to  commercial  enterprise  in  China,  and  from  this  policy 
Her  Majesty’s  Government  have  no  intention  or  desire  to 
depart. 


I have,  etc.. 


Salisbury. 


56 


INTEREST  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Lord  Salisbury  to  Ambassador  Choate. 


Foreign  Office, 
London,  November  30,  1899. 


Your  Excellency  : AVith  reference  to  my  note  of  Septem- 
ber 29  last,  I have  the  lionor  to  state  that  I have  carefully  con- 
sidered, in  communication  with  my  colleagues,  the  proposal 
contained  in  your  excellency’s  note  of  September  22  that  a 
declaration  should  be  made  by  foreign  powers  claiming 
“spheres  of  interest”  in  China  as  to  their  intentions  in  regard 
to  the  treatment  of  foreign  trade  and  interest  therein. 

I have  much  pleasure  in  informing  your  excellency  that 
Her  Majesty’s  Government  will  be  prepared  to  make  a decla- 
ration in  the  sense  desired  by  your  Government  in  regard  to 
the  leased  territory  of  Wei  Hai  Wei  and  all  territory  in  China 
which  may  hereafter  be  acquired  by  Great  Britain  by  lease  or 
otherwise,  and  all  spheres  of  interest  now  held  or  that  may 
hereafter  be  held  by  her  in  China,  provided  that  a similar 
declaration  is  made  by  other  powers  concerned. 


I have,  etc., 


Salisbury. 


Ambassador  Choate  to  Lord  Salisbury. 

Embassy  of  the  United  States, 

London,  December  6,  1899. 

My  Lord:  I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  lordship’s  note  of  November  30,  in  which  you  inform  me 
that,  after  having  carefully  considered  in  connection  with  your 
colleagues,  the  proposals  contained  in  my  note  of  September  22 
last.  Her  Majesty’s  Government  is  prepared  to  make  a declar- 
ation in  the  sense  desired  by  my  Government  in  regard  to  the 
leased  territory  of  Wei  Hai  Wei  .and  all  territory  in  China 
which  may  hereafter  be  acquired  by  Great  Britain  by  le.ase  or 
otherwise,  and  all  “ spheres  of  interest  ” now  held  or  which 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


57 


may  hereafter  be  held  by  her  in  China,  provided  that  a similar 
declaration  is  made  by  other  powers. 

In  acknowledging  your  lordship’s  note,  I have  also,  under 
instructions  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  express  to  your 
lordship  the  gratification  he  feels  at  the  cordial  acceptance  by 
Her  Britannic  Majesty’s  Government  of  the  proposals  of  the 
United  States. 

I have,  etc., 

Joseph  H.  Choate. 


RUSSIA, 

Secretary  Hay  to  Ambassador  Tower. 

Department  of  State, 
Washinylon,  September  6,  1899. 

Sir  : In  1898,  when  His  Imperial  Majesty  had,  through  his 
diplomatic  representative  at  this  capital,  notified  this  Gov- 
ernment that  Russia  had  leased  from  His  Imperial  Chinese 
Majesty  the  ports  of  Port  Arthur,  Talienwan,  and  the  adjacent 
territory  in  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula  in  northeastern  China  for 
a period  of  twenty-five  years,  your  predecessor  received  cate- 
gorical assurances  from  the  imperial  minister  for  foreign  afialrs 
that  American  interests  in  that  part  of  the  Chinese  Empire 
would  in  no  way  be  affected  thereby,  neither  was  it  the  desire 
of  Russia  to  interfere  with  the  trade  of  other  nations,  and  that 
our  citizens  would  continue  to  enjoy  within  said  leased  territory 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  guaranteed  them  under  existing 
treaties  with  China.  Assurances  of  a similar  purport  were 
conveyed  to  me  by  the  Emperor’s  ambassador  at  this  capital ; 
while  fresh  proof  of  this  is  afforded  by  the  imperial  ukase  of 

Au^fs't  11  creating  the  free  port  of  Dalny,  near  Talienwan, 
and  establishing  free  trade  for  the  adjacent  territory. 

However  gratifying  and  reassuring  such  assurances  may  be 
in  regard  to  the  territory  actually  occupied  and  administered. 


58 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


it  can  not  but  be  admitted  that  a further,  clearer,  and  more 
formal  definition  of  the  conditions  which  are  henceforth  to 
hold  within  the  so-called  Russian  “sphere  of  interest”  in 
China  as  regards  the  commercial  rights  therein  of  our  citizens 
is  much  desired  by  the  business  world  of  the  United  States, 
inasmuch  as  such  a declaration  would  relieve  it  from  the 
apprehensions  which  have  exercised  a disturbing  influence 
during  the  last  four  years  on  its  operations  in  China. 

The  present  moment  seems  particularly  opportune  for  ascer- 
taining whether  His  Imperial  Russian  Majesty  would  not  be 
disposed  to  give  permanent  form  to  the  assurances  heretofore 
given  to  this  Government  on  this  subject. 

The  ukase  of  the  Emperor  of  August  11  of  this  year,  declar- 
ing the  port  of  Talienwan  open  to  the  merchant  ships  of  all 
nations  during  the  remainder  of  the  lease  under  which  it  is 
held  by  Russia,  removes  the  slightest  uncertainty  as  to  the 
liberal  and  conciliatory  commercial  jwlicy  His  Majesty  proposes 
carrying  out  in  northeastern  China,  and  would  seem  to  insure 
us  the  sympathetic  and,  it  is  hoped,  favorable  consideration  of 
the  propo.'^itions  hereinafter  specified. 

The  principles  which  this  Government  is  jiarticularly  de- 
sirous of  seeing  formally  declared  by  His  Imperial  Majesty  and 
by  all  the  great  powers  interested  in  China,  and  which  will  be 
eminently  beneficial  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  whole 
world,  are: 

First.  'J’he  recognition  that  no  (lower  will  in  any  way 
interfere  with  any  treaty  port  or  any  vested  interest  within  any 
leased  territory  or  within  any  so-called  “ sphere  of  interest  ” it 
may  have  in  China. 

Second.  That  the  Chinese  treaty  tariff  of  the  time  being 
shall  apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such 
ports  as  are  within  said  “sphere  of  interest”  (unless  they  be 
“free  ports”),  no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  may  belong, 
and  that  duties  so  leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese 
Government. 

Third.  That  it  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels 
of  another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  “sphere” 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


59 


than  shall  be  levied  on  vessels  of  its  own  nationality  and  no 
higher  railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled,  or  operated 
within  its  “sphere”  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens  or 
subjects  of  other  nationalities  transported  through  such 
“sphere”  than  shall  be  levied  on  similar  merchandise  belong- 
ing to  its  own  nationals  transported  over  equal  distances. 

The  declaration  of  such  principles  by  His  Imperial  Majesty 
would  not  only  be  of  great  benefit  to  foreign  commerce  in 
China,  but  would  powerfully  tend  to  remove  dangerous  sources 
of  irritation  and  possible  conflict  between  the  various  powers ; 
it  would  reestablish  confidence  and  security,  and  would  give 
great  additional  weight  to  the  concerted  representations  which 
the  treaty  powers  may  hereafter  make  to  His  Imperial  Chinese 
Majesty  in  the  interest  of  reform  in  Chinese  administration  so 
essential  to  the  consolidation  and  integrity  of  that  Empire,  and 
which,  it  is  believed,  is  a fundamental  principle  of  the  policy 
of  His  Majesty  in  Asia. 

Germany  has  declared  the  port  of  Kiaochau,  which  she 
holds  in  Shantung  under  a lease  from  China,  a free  port  and 
has  aided  in  the  establishment  there  of  a branch  of  the  Imperial 
Chinese  maritime  customs.  The  Imperial  German  minister  for 
foreign  affairs  has  also  given  assurances  that  American  trade 
would  not  in  any  way  be  discriminated  against  or  interfered 
with,  as  there  is  no  intention  to  close  the  leased  territory  to 
foreign  commerce  within  the  area  which  Germany  claims. 
These  facts  lead  this  Government  to  believe  that  the  Imperial 
German  Government  will  lend  its  cooperation  and  give  its 
acceptance  to  the  proposition  above  outlined,  and  which  our 
ambassador  at  Berlin  is  now  instructed  to  submit  to  it. 

That  such  a declaration  will  be  favorably  considered  by  Great 
Britain  and  Japan,  the  two  other  powers  most  interested  in  the 
subject,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  formal  and  oft-repeated 
declarations  of  the  British  and  Japanese  Governments  in  favor 
of  the  maintenance  throughout  China  of  freedom  of  trade  for 
the  whole  world  insure  us,  it  is  believed,  the  ready  assent  of 
these  powers  to  the  declaration  desired. 


60 


INTEREST  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  acceptance  by  His  Imperial  Majesty  of  these  principles 
must  therefore  inevitably  lead  to  their  recognition  by  all  the 
other  powers  interested,  and  you  are  instructed  to  submit  them 
to  the  Emperor’s  minister  for  foreign  affairs  and  urge  their 
immediate  consideration. 

A copy  of  this  instruction  is  sent  to  our  ambassadors  at 
London  and  Berlin  for  their  confidential  information,  and  copies 
of  the  instructions  sent  to  them  on  this  subject  are  inclosed 
herewith. 


I have,  etc. 


John  Hay. 


Count  Mouravieff,  Russian  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  to 
Ambassador  Tower. 

Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs, 

December  18-30,  1899. 

Mr.  Ambassador  : I had  the  honor  to  receive  Your  Excel- 
lency’s note  dated  the  8th-20th  of  September  last,  relating  to 
the  principles  which  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
would  like  to  see  adopted  in  commercial  matters  by  the  powers 
which  have  interests  in  China. 

In  so  far  as  the  territory  leased  by  China  to  Russia  is  con- 
cerned, the  Imperial  Government  has  already  demonstrated  its 
firm  intention  to  follow  the  policy  of  “ the  open  door”  by  creat- 
ing Dalny  (Talienwan)  a free  port;  and  if  at  some  future 
time  that  port,  although  remaining  free  itself,  should  be  sepa- 
rated by  a customs  limit  from  other  portions  of  the  territory  in 
question,  the  customs  duties  would  be  levied,  in  the  zone  sub- 
ject to  the  tariff,  upon  all  foreign  merchandise  without  distinc- 
tion as  to  nationality. 

As  to  the  ports  now  opened  or  hereafter  to  be  opened  to 
foreign  commerce  by  the  Chinese  Government,  and  which  lie 
beyond  the  territory  leased  to  Russia,  the  settlement  of  the 
question  of  customs  duties  belongs  to  China  herself,  and  the 


INTEREST  or  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


61 


Imperial  Government  has  no  intention  whatever  of  claiming 
any  privileges  for  its  own  subjects  to  the  exclusion  of  other 
foreigners.  It  is  to  be  understood,  however,  that  this  assurance 
of  the  Imperial  Government  is  given  upon  condition  that  a 
similar  declaration  shall  be  made  by  other  powers  having 
interests  in  China. 

With  the  conviction  that  this  reply  is  such  as  to  satisfy  the 
inquiry  made  in  the  aforementioned  note,  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment is  happy  to  have  complied  with  the  wishes  of  the 
American  Government,  especially  as  it  attaches  the  highest 
value  to  anything  that  may  strengthen  and  consolidate  the 
traditional  relations  of  friendship  existing  between  the  two 
countries. 

I beg  you  to  accept,  etc. 

Count  Mouravieff. 


GERMANY. 

Secretary  Say  to  Ambassador  White. 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  September  6,  1899. 

Sir:  At  the  time  when  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  was  informed  by  that  of  Germany  that  it  had  leased 
from  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  China  the  port  of  Kiaochau 
and  the  adjacent  territory  in  the  province  of  Shantung,  assur- 
ances were  given  to  the  ambassador  of  the  United  States 
at  Berlin  by  the  Imperial  German  minister  for  foreign  affairs 
that  the  rights  and  privileges  insured  by  treaties  with  China 
to  citizens  of  the  United  States  would  not  thereby  suffer  or  be 
in  anywise  impaired  within  the  area  over  which  Germany  had 
thus  obtained  control. 

More  recently,  however,  the  British  Government  recognized 
by  a formal  agreement  with  Germany  the  exclusive  right  of 


62 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  latter  country  to  enjoy  in  said  leased  area  and  the  con- 
tiguous “sphere  of  influence  or  interest”  certain  privileges, 
more  especially  those  relating  to  railroads  and  mining  enter- 
prises; but,  as  the  exact  nature  and  extent  of  the  rights  thus 
recognized  have  not  been  clearly  defined,  it  is  possible  that 
serious  conflicts  of  interest  may  at  any  time  arise,  not  only 
between  British  and  German  subjects  within  said  area,  but 
that  the  interests  of  our  citizens  may  also  be  jeopardized 
thereby. 

Earnestly  desirous  to  remove  any  cause  of  irritation  and  to 
insure  at  the  same  time  to  the  commerce  of  all  nations  in 
China  the  undoubted  benefits  which  should  accrue  from  a 
formal  recognition  by  the  various  powers  claiming  “spheres  of 
interest”  that  they  shall  enjoy  perfect  equality  of  treatment 
for  their  commerce  and  navigation  within  such  “ spheres,”  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  would  be  pleased  to  see  His 
German  Majesty’s  Government  give  formal  assurances  and 
lend  its  cooperation  in  securing  like  assurances  from  the  other 
interested  powers  that  each  within  its  respective  sphere  of 
whatever  influence — 

First.  Will  in  no  way  interfere  with  any  treaty  port  or  any 
vested  interest  within  any  so-called  “sphere  of  interest”  or 
leased  territory  it  may  have  in  China. 

Second.  That  the  Chinese  treaty  tariflf  of  the  time  being 
shall  apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such 
ports  as  are  within  said  “sphere  of  interest”  (unless  they  be 
“free  ports”),  no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  may  belong, 
and  that  duties  so  leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese 
Government. 

Third.  That  it  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels 
of  another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  “sphere” 
than  shall  be  levied  on  vessels  of  its  own  nationality,  and  no 
higher  railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled,  or  operated 
within  its  “sphere”  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens 
or  subjects  of  other  nationalities  transported  through  such 
“ sphere  ” than  shall  he  levied  on  similar  merchandise  belong- 
ing to  its  own  nationals  transported  over  equal  distances. 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  63 


The  liberal  policy  pursued  by  His  Imperial  German  Majesty 
in  declaring  Kiaochau  a free  port  and  in  aiding  the  Chinese 
Government  in  the  establishment  there  of  a custom-house  are 
so  clearly  in  line  with  the  proposition  which  this  Government 
is  anxious  to  see  recognized  that  it  entertains  the  strongest 
hope  that  Germany  will  give  its  acceptance  and  hearty 
support. 

The  recent  ukase  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
declaring  the  port  of  Talienwan  open  during  the  whole  of  the 
lease  under  which  it  is  held  from  China,  to  the  merchant  ships 
of  all  nations,  coupled  with  the  categorical  assurances  made  to 
this  Government  by  His  Imperial  Majesty’s  representative  at 
his  capital  at  the  time,  and  since  repeated  to  me  by  the 
present  Russian  ambassador,  seem  to  insure  the  support  of 
the  Emperor  to  the  proposed  measure.  Our  ambassador  at  the 
Court  of  St.  Petersburg  has,  in  consequence,  been  instructed  to 
submit  it  to  the  Russian  Government  and  to  request  their  early 
consideration  of  it.  A copy  of  my  instruction  on  the  subject  to 
Mr.  Tower  is  herewith  inclosed  for  your  confidential  informa- 
tion. 

The  commercial  interests  of  Great  Britan  and  Japan  will  be 
so  clearly  served  by  the  desired  declaration  of  intentions,  and 
the  views  of  the  Governments  of  these  countries  as  to  the 
desirability  of  the  adoption  of  measures  insuring  the  benefits 
of  equality  of  treatment  of  all  foreign  trade  throughout  China 
are  so  similar  to  those  entertained  by  the  United  States,  that 
their  acceptance  of  the  propositions  herein  outlined  and  their 
cooperation  in  advocating  their  adoption  by  the  other  powers 
can  be  confidently  expected.  I inclose  herewith  copy  of  the 
instruction  which  I have  sent  to  Mr.  Choate  on  the  subject. 

In  view  of  the  present  favorable  conditions,  you  are  instructed 
to  submit  the  above  considerations  to  His  Imperial  German 
Majesty’s  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  and  to  request  his  early 
consideration  of  the  subject. 

Copy  of  this  instruction  is  sent  to  our  ambassadors  at  London 
and  at  St.  Petersburg  for  their  information. 

I have,  etc.. 


John  Hay. 


64  INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Mr,  Jackson,  charge  d’affaires  at  Berlin,  to  Secretary  Hay. 

Embassy  of  the  United  States, 

Berlin,  December  4,  1899. 

I have  just  had  a conversation  with  the  secretary  of  state  for 
foreign  affairs,  who  stated  that  the  politics  of  Germany  in 
the  extreme  Orient  are  de  facto  the  politics  of  the  open  door, 
and  Germany  proposes  to  maintain  this  principle  in  the  future. 
Germany  does  not  wish  the  question  to  become  the  subject  of 
controversy  between  the  different  powers  engaged  in  China. 
She  thinks  it  would  be  advantageous  for  the  United  States 
Government  to  confer  with  other  European  governments  having 
interests  in  China.  If  the  other  cabinets  adhere  to  the  pro- 
posal of  the  United  States  Government  Germany  will  raise  no 
objection,  and  Germany  is  willing  to  have  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  inform  these  other  cabinets  that  no  difficulty 
will  come  from  her  if  the  other  cabinets  agree. 

Jackson,  Charge. 


Count  von  Biilow,  German  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  to 
Ambassador  White. 

Foreign  Office, 

Berlin,  February  19,  1900. 

Mr.  Ambassador  : Your  excellency  informed  me,  in  a memo- 
randum presented  on  the  24th  of  last  month,  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  of  America  had  received  satisfactory 
written  replies  from  all  the  powers  to  which  an  inquiry  had 
been  addressed  similar  to  that  contained  in  your  excellency’s 
note  of  September  26  last,  in  regard  to  the  policy  of  the  open 
door  in  China.  While  referring  to  this  your  excellency  there- 
upon expressed  the  wish  that  the  Imperial  Government  would 
now  also  give  its  answer  in  writing. 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


65 


Gladly  complying  with  this  wish  I have  the  honor  to  inform 
your  excellency,  repeating  the  statements  already  made  verbally, 
as  follows:  As  recognized  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  according  to  your  excellency’s  note  referred 
to  above,  the  Imperial  Government  has  from  the  beginning  not 
only  asserted  but  also  practically  carried  out  to  the  fullest 
extent  in  its  Chinese  possessions  absolute  equality  of  treatment 
of  all  nations  with  regard  to  trade,  navigation,  and  commerce. 
The  Imperial  Government  entertains  no  thought  of  departing 
in  the  future  from  this  principle,  which  at  once  excludes  any 
prejudicial  or  disadvantageous  commercial  treatment  of  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America,  so  long  as  it  is  not 
forced  to  do  so,  on  account  of  consideration  of  reciprocity,  by 
a divergence  from  it  by  other  governments.  If,  therefore,  the 
other  power's  interested  in  the  industrial  development  of  the 
Chinese  Empire  are  willing  to  recognize  the  same  principles, 
this  can  only  be  desired  by  the  Imperial  Government,  which 
in  this  case  upon  being  requested  will  gladly  be  ready  to  par- 
ticipate with  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  other 
powers  in  an  agreement  made  upon  these  lines,  by  which  the 
same  rights  are  reciprocally  secured. 

I avail  myself,  etc., 

Bulow. 


FRANCE. 

Secretary  Hay  to  Mr.  Vignaud,  French  charge  d’affaires 
at  Washington. 

Department  of  State, 

Washington,  September  6,  1899. 

Sir  : I have  to  inclose,  for  your  confidential  information, 
copies  of  instructions  I have  sent  under  this  date  to  the  United 
States  ambassadors  at  London,  Berlin,  and  St.  Petersburg  in 
reference  to  the  desire  of  this  Government  that  the  Govern- 
ments of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  Russia  make  formal 

5 


66  INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


declaration  of  an  “open-door  ” policy  in  the  territories  held  by 
them  in  China. 

I am,  etc.,  John  Hay. 

( Inclosures :)  To  London,  No.  205,  September  6,  1899;  to 
Berlin,  No.  927,  September  6,  1899 ; to  St.  Petersburg,  No.  82, 
September  6,  1899. 


Secretary  Hay  to  Ambassador  Porter. 

Department  of  State, 

Washington,  November  21,  1899. 

Porter,  Ambassador,  Paris: 

Informally  submit  to  French  Government  form  of  declar- 
ation outlined  in  inclosures  with  instruction  No.  664  of  Sep- 
tember 6,  and  ask  whether  France  will  join. 

Hay. 


M.  Delcasse,  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  to 
Ambassador  Porter. 

Ministry  op  Foreign  Affairs. 

My  Dear  Ambassador:  I find  your  note  awaiting  me  on 
my  return.  The  declarations  which  I made  in  the  Chamber 
on  the  24th  of  November  last,  and  which  I have  had  occasion 
to  recall  to  you  since  then,  show  clearly  the  sentiments  of  the 
Government  of  the  Republic.  It  desires  throughout  the  whole 
of  China  and,  with  the  quite  natural  reservation  that  all  the 
powers  interested  give  an  assurance  of  their  willingness  to  act 
likewise,  is  ready  to  apply  in  the  territories  which  are  leased 
to  it,  equal  treatment  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  all  nations, 
especially  in  the  matter  of  customs  duties  and  navigation  dues, 
as  well  as  transportation  tarifis  on  railways. 

I beg  you,  my  dear  ambassador,  to  accept,  etc., 


Delcasse. 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  67 


ITALY. 

Secretary  Hay  to  Ambassador  Draper. 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  November  17,  1899. 

Sir:  This  Government,  animated  with  a sincere  desire  to 
insure  to  the  commerce  and  industry  of  the  United  States  and 
of  all  other  nations  perfect  equality  of  treatment  within  the 
limits  of  the  Chinese  Empire  for  their  trade  and  navigation, 
especially  within  the  so-called  “spheres  of  influence  or  inter- 
est” claimed  by  certain  European  powers  in  China,  has  deemed 
the  present  an  opportune  moment  to  make  representations  in 
this  direction  to  Germany,  Great  Britain,  Japan,  and  Russia. 

To  attain  the  object  it  has  in  view  and  to  remove  possible 
causes  of  international  irritation  and  reestablish  confidence,  so 
essential  to  commerce,  it  has  seemed  to  this  Government  highly 
desirable  that  the  various  powers  claiming  “ spheres  of  interest 
or  influence”  in  China  should  give  formal  assurances  that — 

First.  They  will  in  no  way  interfere  with  any  treaty  port 
or  any  vested  interest  within  any  so-called  “sphere  of  interest” 
or  leased  territory  they  may  have  in  China. 

Second.  The  Chinese  treaty  tariff  of  the  time  being  shall 
apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such  ports 
as  are  within  said  “sphere  of  interest”  (unless  they  be  “free 
ports”),  no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  may  belong,  and  that 
duties  so  leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment. 

Third.  They  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels  of 
another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  “sphere” 
than  shall  be  levied  ou  vessels  of  their  own  nationality,  and  no 
higher  railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled,  or  operated 
within  its  “sphere”  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens  or 
subjects  of  other  nationalities  transported  through  such  “ sphere” 
than  shall  be  levied  on  similar  merchandise  belonging  to  their 
own  nationals  transported  over  equal  distances. 


68 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Tlie  policy  pursued  by  His  Imperial  German  Majesty  in  de- 
claring Tsing-tao  (Kiaochau)  a free  port  and  in  aiding  the 
Chinese  Government  in  establishing  there  a custom-house,  and 
the  ukase  of  His  Imperial  Russian  Majesty  of  August  11  last, 
erecting  a free  port  of  Dalny  (Talienwan)  are  thought  to  be 
proof  that  these  powers  are  not  disposed  to  view  unfavorably 
the  proposition  to  recognize  that  they  contemplate  nothing 
which  will  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  enjoyment  by  the 
commerce  of  all  nations  of  the  rights  and  privileges  guaranteed 
to  tliem  by  existing  treaties  with  China. 

Repeated  assurances  from  the  British  Government  of  its  fixed 
policy  to  maintain  throughout  China  freedom  of  trade  for  the 
whole  world  insure,  it  is  believed,  the  ready  assent  of  that 
power  to  our  proposals.  The  commercial  interests  of  Japan 
will  also  be  greatly  served  by  the  above-mentioned  declaration, 
which  harmonizes  with  the  assurances  conveyed  to  this  Gov- 
ernment at  various  times  by  His  Imperial  Japanese  Majesty’s 
diplomatic  representative  at  this  capital. 

In  view  of  the  important  and  growing  commercial  interests 
of  Italy  in  eastern  Asia  it  would  seem  desirable  that  His 
Majesty’s  Government  should  also  be  informed  of  the  steps 
taken  by  the  United  States  to  insure  freedom  of  trade  in  China, 
in  which  it  would  find  equal  advantages  to  those  which  the 
other  nations  of  Europe  expect. 

You  are  therefore  instructed  to  submit  to  His  Majesty’s  min- 
ister for  foreign  affairs  the  above  considerations  and  to  invite 
his  early  attention  to  them,  expressing,  in  the  name  of  your 
Government,  the  hope  that  they  will  prove  acceptable  and  that 
His  Majesty’s  Government  will  lend  its  aid  and  valuable 
assistance  in  securing  their  acceptance  by  the  other  interested 
powers. 

I inclose,  for  your  personal  and  confidential  information,  cop- 
ies of  the  instructions  sent  to  our  ambassadors  at  Berlin,  Lon- 
don, St.  Petersburg,  and  to  our  minister  at  Tokio. 

I am,  etc., 


John  Hay. 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  69 


The  Marquis  Visconti  Venosla,  Italian  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
to  Ambassador  Draper, 

Eome,  January  7,  1900. 

Mr.  Ambassador  : Supplementary  to  what  you  had  already 
done  me  the  honor  of  communicating  to  me  in  your  note  of 
December  9,  1899,  your  excellency  informed  me  yesterday  of 
the  telegraphic  note  received  from  your  Government  that  all 
the  powers  consulted  by  the  cabinet  of  Washington  concerning 
the  suitability  of  adopting  a line  of  policy  which  would  insure 
to  the  trade  of  the  whole  world  equality  of  treatment  in  China 
have  given  a favorable  reply. 

Referring  to  your  communications  and  to  the  statements  in 
my  note  of  December  23  last,  I take  pleasure  in  saying  that  the 
Government  of  the  King  adheres  willingly  to  the  proposals  set 
forth  in  said  note  of  December  9. 

I beg  your  excellency  to  kindly  convey  the  notice  of  our 
adhesion  to  the  Cabinet  of  Washington,  and  I avail  myself  of 
the  occasion  to  renew  to  you,  etc. 

Visconti  Venosta. 


JAPAN. 

Secretary  Hay  to  Minister  Buck. 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  November  13,  1899. 

Sir:  This  Government,  animated  with  a sincere  desire  to 
insure  to  the  commerce  and  industry  of  the  United  States  and 
of  all  other  nations  perfect  equality  of  treatment  within  the 
limits  of  the  Chinese  Empire  for  their  trade  and  navigation, 
especially  within  the  so-called  “spheres  of  influence  or 
interest  ” claimed  by  certain  European  powers  in  China,  has 


70  INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


deemed  the  present  an  opportune  moment  to  make  represen- 
tations in  this  direction  to  Germany,  Great  Britain  and 
Russia. 

To  obtain  the  object  it  has  in  view  and  to  remove  possible 
causes  of  international  irritation  and  reestablish  confidence  so 
essential  to  commerce,  it  has  seemed  to  this  Government 
highly  desirable  that  the  various  powers  claiming  “spheres  of 
interest  or  influence”  in  China  should  give  formal  assurances 
that — 

First.  They  will  in  no  way  interfere  with  any  treaty  port 
or  any  vested  interest  within  any  so-called  “sphere  of  interest” 
or  leased  territory  they  may  have  in  China. 

Second.  The  Chinese  treaty  tarifi"  of  the  time  being  shall 
apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such  ports 
as  are  within  said  “ sphere  of  interest  ” (unless  they  be  “ free 
ports”),  no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  may  belong,  and  that 
duties  so  leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment. 

Third.  They  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels  of 
another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  “sphere” 
than  shall  be  levied  on  vessels  of  their  own  nationality,  and  no 
higher  railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled,  or  operated 
within  such  “sphere”  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens 
or  subjects  of  other  nationalities  transported  through  such 
“ sphere  ” than  shall  be  levied  on  similar  merchandise  be- 
longing to  their  own  nationals  transported  over  equal  dis- 
tances. 

The  policy  pursued  by  His  Imperial  German  Majesty  in  de- 
claring Tsingtao  (Kiaochau)  a free  port  and  in  aiding  the 
Chinese  Government  in  establishing  there  a custom-house,  and 
the  ukase  of  His  Imperial  Russian  Majesty  of  August  11  last 
in  erecting  a free  port  at  Dalny  (Talienwan)  are  thought  to  be 
proof  that  these  powers  are  not  disposed  to  view  unfavorably 
the  proposition  to  recognize  that  they  contemplate  nothing 
which  will  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  enjoyment  by  the 
commerce  of  all  nations  of  the  rights  and  privileges  guaranteed 
to  them  by  existing  treaties  with  China. 


INTEREST  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


71 


Repeated  assurances  from  the  British  Government  of  its  fixed 
policy  to  maintain  throughout  China  freedom  of  trade  for  the 
whole  world  insure,  it  is  believed,  the  ready  assent  of  that 
power  to  our  proposals.  It  is  no  less  confidently  believed  that 
the  commercial  interests  of  Japan  would  be  greatly  served  by 
the  above-mentioned  declaration,  which  harmonizes  with  the 
assurances  conveyed  to  this  Government  at  various  times  by 
His  Imperial  Japanese  Majesty’s  diplomatic  representative  at 
this  capital. 

You  are  therefore  instructed  to  submit  to  His  Imperial 
Japanese  Majesty’s  Government  the  above  considerations,  and 
to  invite  their  early  attention  to  them,  and  express  the  earnest 
hope  of  your  Government  that  they  will  accept  them  and  aid 
in  securing  their  acceptance  by  the  other  interested  powers. 


I am,  etc., 


John  Hay. 


Viscount  Aoki,  Minister  of  foreign  affairs,  to  Minister  Buck. 

Department  of  Foreign  Affairs, 

Tokyo,  the  26th  day,  the  12th  month  of  the  32d  year  of  Meiji. 

{December  26,  1899.) 

Mr.  Minister  : I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  the  note  No.  176  of  the  20th  instant,  in  which, 
pursuing  the  instructions  of  the  United  States  Government, 
your  excellency  was  so  good  as  to  communicate  to  the  Imperial 
Government  the  representations  of  the  United  States  as  pre- 
sented in  notes  to  Russia,  Germany,  and  Great  Britain  on  the 
subject  of  commercial  interests  of  the  United  States  in  China. 

I have  the  happy  duty  of  assuring  your  excellency  that  the 
Imperial  Government  will  have  no  hesitation  to  give  their 
assent  to  so  just  and  fair  a proposal  of  the  United  States,  pro- 
vided that  all  the  other  powers  concerned  shall  accept  the  same. 

I avail  myself,  etc.. 


Viscount  Aoki  Siuzo. 


72 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Inslruclions  sent  mulalis  mutandis  to  the  United  States  ambassadors 
at  London,  Paris,  Berlin,  St.  Petersburg,  and  Rome,  and  to  the 
United  States  Minister  at  Tokyo. 

Depahtment  of  State, 

Washington,  March  20,  1900. 

Sir  : The Government  having  accepted  the  declara- 

tion suggested  by  the  United  States  concerning  foreign  trade 
in  China,  the  terms  of  which  I transmitted  to  you  in  my 

instruction  No. of , and  like  action  having  been  taken 

by  all  the  various  powers  having  leased  territory  or  so-called 
“spheres  of  interest”  in  the  Chinese  Empire,  as  shown  by  the 
notes  which  I herewith  transmit  to  you,  you  will  please  inform 
the  government  to  which  you  are  accredited  that  the  condition 
originally  attached  to  its  acceptance — that  all  other  powers 
concerned  should  likewise  accept  the  proposals  of  the  United 
States — having  been  complied  with,  this  Government  will 

therefore  consider  the  assent  given  to  it  by as  final  and 

definitive. 

You  will  also  transmit  to  the  minister  for  foreign  affairs 
copies  of  the  present  inclosures,  and  by  the  same  occasion  con- 
vey to  him  the  expression  of  the  sincere  gratification  which 
the  President  feels  at  the  successful  termination  of  these  negotia- 
tions, in  which  he  sees  proof  of  the  friendly  spirit  which 
animates  the  various  powers  interested  in  the  untrammeled 
development  of  commerce  and  industry  in  the  Chinese  Empire 
and  a source  of  vast  benefit  to  the  whole  commercial  world. 

I am,  etc., 

John  Hay. 

(Inclosures:)  M.  Delcass^  to  Mr.  Porter  (received  December 
16,  1899) ; Mr.  Jackson  to  Mr.  Hay,  telegram,  December  4, 
1899;  Count  von  Billow  to  Mr.  White,  February  19,  1900; 
Lord  Salisbury  to  Mr.  Choate,  November  30,  1899;  Marquis 
Visconti  Venosta  to  Mr.  Draper,  January  7,  1900;  Viscount 
Aoki  to  Mr.  Buck,  December  26,  1899 ; Count  Mouravieff  to 
Mr.  Tower,  December  18,  1899. 


INTEREST  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


73 


This  brings  the  official  correspondence  to  an  end. 
Lord  Salisbury,  it  will  be  noticed,  says  that  “ Her 
Majesty’s  government  will  be  prepared  to  make  a 
declaration  in  the  sense  desired,”  which  may  or  not 
be  equivalent  to  actually  making  a declaration. 
Count  Mouravieff,  it  will  also  be  observed,  is 
scarcely  direct  in  his  statements  on  the  vital 
questions.  These  points  may  rise  up  in  the  future 
to  play  a great  part  in  the  world’s  affairs,  if  the 
partition  of  old  China  is  to  come  at  last. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


The  Chinese- Japanese  War. 

The  war  between  China  and  Japan,  which  began 
in  1894  and  ended  in  the  following  year,  was 
not  only  one  of  the  most  interesting  wars  of  modern 
times  but  it  was  far-reaching  in  its  influence  upon, 
the  world  at  large.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  a 
conclusive  demonstration  that  China  had  not  yet 
learned  the  military  and  naval  lessons  of  the  western 
nations  and  that  her  great  masses  of  fighting  men, 
clinging  obstinately  to  mediaeval  methods  even  in 
the  face  of  the  rude  lessons  of  the  wars  with  Eng- 
land and  France,  were  an  easy  prey  to  a second- 
class  power  versed  in  the  fighting  art  of  the  moderns. 
Secondly,  it  paved  the  way  for  all  the  acquisitions 
of  Chinese  territory  by  foreigners  which  have  been 
such  a startling  and  world-threatening  feature  in 
the  history  of  the  last  five  years.  Thirdly,  it 
afforded  the  first  test  in  actual  combat  of  modern 
naval  vessels,  which  had  been  constructed  largely 
on  theory.  Fourthly,  it  introduced  a new  world- 
power — Japan,  which  at  a bound  leaped  from  the 
classification  of  an  incompetent  Asiatic  nation  into 
the  full  vigor  of  a formidable  foe  and  a powerful 
friend. 

74 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAE. 


75 


At  the  beginning  of  the  war  China  was  feared, 
even  dreaded,  as  a power  of  vast  resources  which 
might  conquer  the  world.  When  the  conflict 
closed,  there  was  none  so  poor  as  to  do  her  rever- 
ence. In  the  early  part  of  1894  China’s  prowess 
as  a fighting  nation  was  an  unsolved  problem  which 
became  a nightmare  for  some  of  the  world’s  states- 
men. The  wars  waged  on  her  own  soil  by  England 
in  the  middle  of  the  19th  century  and  by  France 
later  had  not  afforded  a satisfactory  test  of  her 
military  resources  and  even  such  observations  as  had 
then  been  made  had  largely  passed  from  the 
memory  of  men.  China,  when  she  fought  Eng- 
land and  France,  was  largely  a sealed  book  to 
foreigners.  None  of  them  was  permitted  to  remain 
in  the  interior  of  the  country  while  the  wars  were 
going  on  and  methods  of  observation  from  the  out- 
side were  necessarily  imperfect. 

So  China  in  war  remained  a riddle.  It  was  not 
positively  known  at  the  beginning  of  1894  how  far 
she  had  remodelled  her  army  on  modern  lines. 
Her  navy,  it  was  known,  had  actually  been  so 
remodelled  and  she  had  collected  a formidable  force 
on  the  sea.  Distinguished  European  experts  pre- 
dicted that  China  would  yet  become  the  greatest 
power  on  the  globe.  Lord  Wolseley,  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  British  army,  who  had  himself  seen 
service  in  China,  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
Chinaman  as  an  individual  had  ideal  qualifications 
for  a soldier — indomitable  bravery,  great  endurance. 


76 


THE  CHINESE- JAPANESE  WAR. 


and  amenability  to  discipline.  It  was  only  a ques- 
tion as  to  who  would  utilize  these  qualities  in  the 
construction  of  a military  machine  which  could 
defy  all  opposition. 

The  result  of  the  war  was  a great  shock  and  a 
deep  humiliation  to  China.  She  had  not  dreamed 
that  her  active  little  neighbor  could  best  her  on  the 
field  of  battle.  The  Chinese,  who  are  comparatively 
large  men,  looked  down  on  the  Japanese  and  called 
them  dwarfs.  When  they  found  that  the  west’s  intel- 
ligence in  the  art  of  war — perhaps  at  best  a devil- 
lish  intelligence — bad  enabled  the  “dwarfs”  of 
Japan  to  down  the  Chinese  giant,  the  blow  to  their 
historic  pride  was  tremendous. 

Korea  was  the  cause  of  the  war.  Both  Japan 
and  China  were  anxious  to  maintain  permanent 
ascendancy  in  that  kingdom  and  here  came  the 
trouble.  China  had  claimed  rights  of  suzerainty 
over  Korea  since  2000  B.  C.  In  1637  A.  D.  there 
was  a dispute  and  a Chinese  ai’my  overran  the 
country,  exacting  conditions  of  vassalage  that  con- 
tinued to  be  observed  until  1894.  In  accordance 
with  Chinese  practice,  these  conditions  were  not 
permitted  to  interfere  with  the  internal  independ- 
ence of  the  tributary  nation.  The  only  conditions 
were  that  the  Korean  king  and  his  heir-apparent 
must  apply  for  and  receive  investiture  from  the 
emperor  of  China ; that  an  annual  mission  must  be 
sent  with  tribute  to  Pekin  and  that  no  important 


THE  CHINESE-JAPAKESE  WAR. 


77 


arrangement  with  a foreign  power  must  be  entered 
into  without  the  consent  of  China. 

But  Korea  carried  water  on  both  shoulders.  She 
was  also  tributary  to  Japan  from  the  third  century 
to  641  A.  D.  and  near  the  close  of  the  16th  century 
Japanese  troops  conqueretl  the  country,  renewing 
conditions  of  suzerainty  which  Japan  had  continued 
to  claim  since,  though  not  maintaining  them  so 
actively  as  China.  Among  the  Koreans  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  19th  century  two  parties  grew  up, 
one  favoring  the  introduction  of  modern  methods 
as  in  the  case  of  Japan  and  the  other  opposing 
innovation  as  treason  to  Confucian  principles.  In 
1876  this  led  to  a clash  and  then  a treaty.  The 
Chinese  in  that  year  annexed  the  neutral  strip  of 
territory,  60  miles  wide,  beyond  the  Yalu  river, 
which  forms  the  northern  boundary  of  Korea.  The 
Japanese  in  turn  made  a naval  demonstration.  The 
result  was  a treaty,  in  which  China  and  Japan 
acknowledged  the  independence  of  Korea. 

In  1882  the  Japanese  legation  at  Seoul,  the 
Korean  capital,  was  attacked  and  afterward  Japan 
maintained  a military  guard  there.  This  was  an 
opening  wedge  for  the  conflict  that  was  to  come. 
As  Japan  maintained  soldiers  in  Korea,  China  also 
felt  privileged  to  do  so  and  she  was  not  slow  in 
following  her  island  neighbor’s  move. 

On  December  4,  1884,  a band  of  conspirators 
headed  by  Kim  Ok  Kiuu,  ex-minister  to  Japan, 
killed  the  principal  ministers  and  courtiers  at  Seoul 


78 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAE. 


and  seized  the  Korean  king  himself.  The  Japanese 
legation  guard,  numbering  140  men,  interfered 
and  secured  the  custody  of  the  monarch.  Chinese 
soldiers  who  had  been  encamped  outside  the  town 
went  to  the  rescue  and  overwhelmed  the  Japanese. 
The  Koreans  rose  and  there  was  a general  slaughter 
of  Japanese  residents.  For  a time  there  was  a 
serious  rupture,  but  the  Chinese  government  opened 
negotiations  for  a treaty  to  regulate  the  relations  of 
both  countries  with  Korea,  the  result  of  which  was 
an  agreement  signed  at  Tientsin  in  April,  1885, 
providing  that  China  and  Japan  should  both  with- 
draw their  troops  from  Korea  and  not  send  any 
more  except  in  case  of  grave  disturbance,  when 
they  were  to  act  jointly,  and  withdraw  their  sol- 
diers as  soon  as  the  trouble  was  settled. 

In  the  spring  of  1894  the  final  crisis  began  to 
develop.  A Korean  association  known  as  the  Tong 
Hak,  representing  the  idea  of  national  independence 
from  both  China  and  Japan,  incited  a rebellion  in 
the  southern  province  of  Chulla.  A force  of  1000 
soldiers  who  were  sent  against  the  insurgents  would 
not  fight,  sympathizing  with  the  movement,  and  as 
the  rebellion  spread  into  other  parts  of  Korea,  King 
Li  Hi,  at  the  suggestion  of  Yuan,  the  Chinese  resi- 
dent agent,  called  upon  the  government  at  Pekin  for 
aid.  Li  Hung  Chang,  who  was  then  in  power,  sent 
2000  soldiers  into  the  country.  Japan  protested 
against  this  as  independent  interference  by  China  in 
violation  of  the  treaty  of  Tientsin. 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


79 


As  a matter  of  fact  it  was  believed  at  the  capitals 
of  the  world  that  both  countries  had  been  preparing 
to  violate  the  terms  of  their  agreement  in  regard  to 
Korea.  When  the  pinch  came,  though,  China  acted 
first.  Hostility  between  them  had  been  increasing, 
and  they  made  ready  for  a trial  of  strength — the 
colossal  nation  of  China  against  the  young  and  active 
power  of  Japan.  Statesmen  of  both  countries  fore- 
saw war.  Japan  had  systematically  made  ready  for 
it  in  accordance  with  the  most  modern  principles, 
but  China,  as  the  event  proved,  trusted  too  much  in 
what  she  believed  to  be  her  natural  strength,  and 
was  lax  in  preparing.  Chinese  soldiers  were  sent  to 
settle  in  Korea  under  the  guise  of  merchants  and 
mechanics,  ready  to  act  if  the  pro-Japanese  party 
attempted  to  go  too  far;  but  Japan  attacked  the 
problem  in  a more  practical  way.  Her  navy  was 
thoroughly  overhauled  and  drilled  and  her  generals 
made  a detailed  study  of  Korean  topography  for  use 
in  the  war  that  was  coming. 

As  the  2000  troops  sent  by  Li  Hung  Chang  failed 
to  put  down  the  Tong  Hak  rebellion,  Japan  gave 
notice  of  sending  troops  to  Korea  June  3, 1894,  and 
in  a week  had  landed  5000  men  on  the  west  coast. 
The  troops  were  debarked  under  the  pretext  of  es- 
corting the  Japanese  minister,  Otori,  on  his  return 
to  Seoul  June  9,  and  then  of  guarding  the  Japanese 
legation.  On  July  3 Otori  submitted  an  important 
note  to  the  Korean  monarch,  which  served  as  a basis 
for  the  negotiations  that  finally  collapsed  when  the 


80 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


war  broke  out.  This  note  deplored  the  disorders  in 
a country  close  to  Japan  in  which  she  felt  a deep 
interest,  and  submitted  a scheme  of  reform  which 
in  general  terms  may  be  stated  as  follows  : 

(1)  The  civil  government  in  Seoul  and  the  prov- 
inces to  be  thoroughly  reformed  and  the  depart- 
ments arranged  under  proper  responsible  heads. 

(2)  The  country’s  resources  to  be  developed  by 
the  construction  of  railroads  and  the  opening  of 
mines. 

(3)  Radical  reforms  in  the  laws  of  Korea. 

(4)  The  military  forces  to  be  reorganized  under 
competent  instructors,  so  as  to  render  the  country 
secure  from  internal  disorder  and  external  attack. 

(5)  Education  to  be  thoroughly  reformed  ac- 
cording to  modern  ideas. 

The  Korean  King  delayed  a few  days  and  finally 
on  July  10  sent  a commission  to  consult  Otori 
about  his  plan  of  reform.  To  the  commissioners, 
Otori  unfolded  his  views  in  detail. 

While  these  negotiations  were  in  progress,  both 
the  King  of  Korea  and  the  Chinese  minister  at 
Seoul  urged  Otori  to  withdraw  the  Japanese  troops 
lest  a collision  should  occur  between  them  and  the 
Chinese.  This  the  Japanese  minister  positively  de- 
clined to  do.  It  had  come  to  a clash.  Either 
China  or  Japan  should  be  supreme  in  Korea  and 
each  country  was  equally  determined. 

At  first  steps  were  taken  to  avert  the  war  by 
mediation.  China  invoked  the  friendly  offices  of 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


81 


Russia,  which  had  pledged  herself  not  to  take  pos- 
session of  any  part  of  Korea  when  the  British 
evacuated  Port  Hamilton.  This  pledge  was  to  be 
modified  later  in  spirit,  if  not  in  letter,  when 
Russia  attempted  to  secure  a lease  at  Masampho 
and  actually  gained  some  advantage  there.  At  the 
same  time  China  appealed  to  Russia,  she  notified 
the  powers  of  the  world  that  the  Korean  rebels  had 
dispersed  on  the  arrival  of  the  Chinese  troops,  who 
were  ready  to  retire,  except  for  the  fact  that  the 
Tokyo  government  refused  to  withdraw  the  Japanese 
troops.  The  European  ministers  at  Seoul,  at  the 
request  of  the  King,  made  a joint  demand  for  the 
withdrawal  of  both  the  Chinese  and  Japanese. 
China  assented  at  once,  but  Japan,  whose  blood  was 
up,  delayed  an  answer  nearly  three  weeks  and  then 
referred  the  ministers  at  Seoul  to  the  court  of  Tokyo 
through  the  ministers  there.  Japan  also  continued 
to  press  her  scheme  for  reforms  in  Korea.  The 
King  was  in  straits,  but  Li  Hung  Chang  promised 
him  military  assistance  and  he  became  bold  enough 
to  send  a note  to  Otori  repudiating  the  whole 
reform  plan.  Otori  acted  promptly.  He  sent  an 
ultimatum  to  the  King  the  next  day  giving  24 
hours  in  which  to  demand  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Chinese  troops,  sever  all  relations  with  China,  agree 
to  maintain  Korea  as  an  independent  country  and 
carry  out  the  Japanese  program  of  reform.  No 
reply  being  vouchsafed  to  this,  Otori  became  still 
bolder.  With  the  legation  guard  of  600  soldiers, 
6 


82 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


he  forced  his  way  through  the  palace  guard,  after  a 
fight  in  which  7 Japanese  and  80  Koreans  fell. 
He  compelled  the  King  to  send  for  Tai  Wen  Kun, 
a statesman  of  Japanese  proclivities,  and  appoint 
him  regent  to  carry  out  the  reform  program. 
This  was  an  essentially  oriental  way  of  doing  things 
and  was  a direct  blow  at  the  sovereignty  of  Korea, 
if  such  a thing  could  be  held  really  to  exist. 

Having  thus  made  a virtual  prisoner  of  the 
Korean  King  and  taken  power  out  of  his  hands, 
Japan  presented  the  following  demands  at  Pekin  : 

China  to  acquiesce  in  the  principle  of  reform  for 
Korea  and  to  recognize  arrangements  made  already 
with  the  Korean  King ; to  admit  that  Japan  should 
eujoy  in  Korea  the  same  rights  as  China,  except  in 
regard  to  Chinese  suzerainty,  which  was  not  to  be 
touched  and  might  retain  its  historic  and  ceremon- 
ious character ; arrangements  to  be  made  at  a con- 
ference of  representatives  of  the  two  powers  for  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  as  soon  as  order  was 
restored.  In  conclusion,  Japan  declared  that  the 
sending  of  more  Chinese  troops  to  Korea  would  be 
considered  a hostile  act  against  which  she  would 
take  steps  of  self-defense. 

The  Russian  government,  whose  far-seeing  diplo- 
mats had  their  eyes  on  Korea,  asked  an  explanation 
of  Japanese  proceedings  in  that  country,  intimating 
that  the  Czar  would  not  permit  any  acquisition  of 
territory.  In  reply,  Russia  was  informed  that  no 
designs  on  Korea  were  intended,  and  that  Japan 


THE  CHINESE- JAPANESE  WAR. 


83 


would  withdraw  her  troops  as  soon  as  Chinese 
interference  ceased.  This  satisfied  St.  Petersburg. 

The  connection  of  the  United  States  with  the 
war  now  began.  This  country  felt  bound  by  a 
special  duty  to  Korea,  and  had  also  a special  interest 
in  Japan,  having  been  the  first  western  nation  to 
open  both  countries  aud  make  treaties  with  them. 
A treaty  made  in  Washington  in  1882  with  Korean 
envoys  stipulated  that,  “ if  other  powers  deal  un- 
justly or  oppressively  with  either  government,  the 
other  will  exert  its  friendly  offices,  on  being  informed 
of  the  case,  to  bring  about  an  amicable  settlement, 
thus  showing  its  friendly  feelings.”  When  the 
rebellion  had  spread  through  several  provinces  and 
the  capital  was  threatened,  the  Korean  King  had 
asked  the  United  States  to  send  warships  to  Che- 
mulpo. The  cruiser  Baltimore  was  dispatched,  and 
on  receiving  from  the  Seoul  government  a warning 
that  the  rebellion  was  directed  against  foreigners, 
marines  were  landed  to  protect  the  United  States 
legation  and  the  lives  of  Americans.  At  that  time 
Americans  were  more  numerous  in  Korea  than  the 
subjects  of  any  European  power,  numbering  about 
80,  including  several  advisers  of  the  king  himself. 
The  monarch  appealed  to  the  United  States  under 
the  treaty,  saying  that  his  country  was  dealt  with 
unjustly  and  oppressively  by  both  Japan  and  China 
in  stationing  troops  on  Korean  soil.  The  United 
States  ministers  in  Pekin  and  Tokyo  were  accord- 
ingly instructed  to  make  representations  to  the 


84 


THE  CHINE8E-JAPANESE  WAR. 


governments  embodying  the  king’s  comjjlaint  and 
exerting  the  friendly  offices  of  America  to  relieve 
Korea’s  troubles.  China  disclaimed  all  intention  of 
oppressing  Korea  and  expressed  a willingness  to 
recall  her  troops  as  soon  as  Japan  consented  to  do 
the  same.  Japan  repudiated  designs  on  Korean 
territory  but  declined  to  withdraw  her  troops  until 
satisfactory  measures  had  been  taken  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  disturbances.  As  a next  step  the 
United  States  offered  its  good  offices  as  mediator  in 
case  they  should  be  desired,  but  the  situation  had 
gone  too  far  for  mediation  and  the  clouds  of  war 
were  soon  to  break. 

Great  Britain  also  took  a hand.  She  was  anxious 
to  preserve  the  situation  as  it  was  and  wanted  to 
bring  about  European  intervention,  but  could  not 
safely  attempt  this  alone  for  fear  of  involving  her- 
self with  other  powers.  So  she  requested  the  gov- 
ernments of  Russia,  France,  Germany,  and  Italy  to 
join  the  Bi’itish  ministers  at  Pekin  and  Tokyo  in  an 
offer  of  mediation.  All  agreed  to  this  so  long  as 
it  was  confined  to  peaceful  counsels.  The  United 
States  refused  to  act  in  concert  with  Great  Britain 
or  any  other  power,  but  was  willing  to  mediate 
independently.  Great  Britain  advanced  suggestions 
of  forcible  intervention,  but  the  powers  would  not 
give  their  consent.  The  London  government  knew 
that  its  prestige  in  the  Orient  largely  rested  on  a 
belief  in  the  naval  and  military  superiority  of  Great 
Britain,  and  feared  that  the  coming  war  would  de- 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


85 


velop  a new  sea  or  land  power,  or  both,  which 
would  seriously  thi'eaten  the  British  position. 

We  have  sketched  in  some  detail  the  diplomatic 
events  leading  up  to  the  war  because  they  throw 
light  upon  the  conditions  of  Asiatic  politics  at  a 
time  almost  simultaneous  with  our  own.  Next  we 
come  to  consider  the  war  itself,  which  was  about  to 
burst  upon  the  world. 

All  hope  of  averting  the  conflict  seeming  useless, 
the  Chinese  government  presented  its  ultimatum  and 
received  the  formal  defiance  of  Japan.  China  made 
hasty  preparations,  raising  recruits  to  serve  in  a 
campaign  in  Korea,  for  Li  Hung  Chang  declined  to 
send  his  seasoned  troops  there,  except  a few  for  the 
instruction  of  the  others.  The  Chinese  recruits  were 
chiefly  coolies  armed  with  obsolete  weapons  and  re- 
taining their  national  dress.  Japan’s  troops,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  armed  and  drilled  in  the  most 
modern  fashion  and  wore  European  uniforms,  better 
suited  to  the  work  of  a campaign  in  the  field. 
China,  having  no  troop  transports  of  her  own, 
chartered  a number  of  them  from  British  ship- 
owners. She  prepared  to  send  some  of  her  troops 
to  Korea  in  these  vessels  while  others  were  to  enter 
from  Manchuria  by  crossing  the  Yalu  river. 

In  her  ultimatum  China  had  demanded  that  Japan 
withdraw  her  troops  from  Korea  by  July  20,  other- 
wise Chinese  soldiers  would  be  landed  and  a sea 
advance  made.  The  ultimatum  having  expired  on 
that  day,  China  promptly  sent  a detachment  of  her 


86 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


northern  squadron  from  Taku  convoying  transports 
carrying  2000  troops  bound  for  Korea.  Most  of 
these  were  landed  at  Asan, 

The  Japanese  cruisers  Naniwa,  Akitsushima,  and 
Takachiho  appeared  in  Prince  Jerome  gulf  July  25 
and  met  the  Chinese  cruiser  Chi  Yuen  and  the  dis- 
patch boat  Kootsu  convoying  the  transport  Kow 
Shing,  on  board  of  which  were  1700  troops.  The 
Chinese  ships  made  hostile  signals  and  prepared  to 
fight.  Two  of  the  Japanese  cruisers  confronted  the 
opposing  warships  and  the  Naniwa  pursued  the 
transport,  signalling  her  to  stop.  This  transport 
was  owned  by  an  English  firm,  was  under  the  Eng- 
lish flag,  and  was  navigated  by  English  officers. 
The  Japanese  demanded  that  she  should  go  as  a 
prize  to  a Japanese  port.  The  English  argued  that 
the  ship  was  flying  their  flag  and  that  it  should  be 
respected,  while  the  Chinese  on  board  declared  they 
would  rather  die  than  surrender.  The  Japanese 
were  prepared  to  fight,  and  signalled  to  the  English 
to  quit  the  Kow  Shing,  which  they  did,  leaping  into 
the  sea  and  being  afterward  rescued  by  the  boats  of 
the  Naniwa.  Then  the  Japanese  opened  fire  with 
their  heavy  cannon  and  machine  guns,  discharging 
also  two  torpedoes,  which  struck  the  transport  and 
exploded,  sending  her  to  the  bottom  with  most  of 
her  1700  men.  All  of  these  1700  were  drowned 
except  about  200,  who  were  picked  up  by  the 
boats  of  German  and  French  meu-of-war  in  the 
vicinity. 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


87 


In  the  meantime  the  Akitsushima  and  Takachiho 
had  engaged  the  Chi  Yuen  and  the  Kootsu.  An 
hour’s  determined  fighting  occurred  and  then  the 
Chi  Yuen  showed  signals  of  surrender.  The  Japa- 
nese warehips  approached  her,  when  she  suddenly 
discharged  several  torpedoes,  which,  however,  the 
Japanese  were  able  to  prevent  from  reaching  their 
ships.  Again  the  battle  began  and  after  it  had  raged 
several  hours  the  Chi  Yuen  turned  and  fled,  escaping 
the  Japanese  cruiser  which  pursued  her.  The  Kootsu 
ran  aground  and  was  captured  by  the  Japanese. 

On  the  same  day,  off  Fontao  island,  a battle 
occurred  between  the  Chinese  cruiser  Chih  Yuen 
and  the  Japanese  cruiser  Yoshino.  Though  her 
turret  and  steering  gear  w'ere  disabled  by  a shell, 
the  Chih  Yuen  in  turn  managed  to  disable  the 
Japanese  ship  and  would  have  seized  her  as  a prize 
had  not  other  Japanese  vessels  appeared.  At  this 
the  Chih  Yuen  went  back  to  Wai  Hai  Wei  as  fast 
as  she  could  go.  The  troop  ship  To  Nan,  which 
she  had  been  convoying,  was  sunk  with  1000 
soldiers  on  board  and  the  So  Keang,  a Chinese  war 
vessel  which  had  been  following  the  Chih  Yuen, 
was  captured. 

The  government  of  Japan  offered  to  make  repara- 
tion for  the  action  of  the  Naniwa  in  firing  upon  a 
ship  flying  the  English  flag  and  officially  expressed 
regret ; but  a British  court  of  inquiry  which  met 
at  Shanghai  decided  that  the  Naniwa  was  justified 
and  that  no  reparation  was  due. 


88 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


Early  in  August  another  naval  battle  occurred 
which  resulted  in  a draw  between  the  Chinese 
battleship  Chen  Yuen  and  the  Japanese  cruiser  Hi 
Yei.  Both  ships  were  greatly  damaged  and  made 
for  port  to  undergo  repairs. 

The  Japanese  admiral  decided  to  concentrate  his 
vessels  for  a time  along  the  southern  coast  of  Korea 
to  protect  the  transports  which  were  carrying  troops 
from  Japan  to  Korea,  and  also  to  guard  against  a 
descent  by  Chinese  upon  the  coast  of  Japan.  Later, 
finding  that  the  heavy  battleships  of  China  were  not 
overly  aggressive  in  taking  the  sea,  but  remained 
most  of  the  time  under  the  shelter  of  the  guns  of 
Wei  Hai  Wei,  the  Ja]3anese  became  bolder  and 
cruised  up  the  gulf  of  Pechili,  challenging  the 
opposing  fleet  to  battle.  The  truth  was  now  be- 
coming apparent.  China’s  navy  was  not  ready  for 
war.  It  lacked  skillful  officers,  though  both  officers 
and  men  were  brave  enough.  The  Chinese,  though 
naturally  excellent  sailors,  lacked  the  scientific  ex- 
pertness needed  to  navigate  and  give  battle  with 
modern  ships  of  war.  Their  English  and  Scotch 
engineers  had  left  the  service  at  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities,  and  not  enough  trained  Chinese  were 
available  to  operate  the  engines  properly.  Besides, 
the  supply  of  good  coal  was  short  and  the  com- 
manders had  to  be  too  economical  in  its  use  to 
secure  the  best  results.  The  Japanese  navy,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  well  equipped  and  in  prime  condi- 
tion. It  consisted  chiefly  of  cruisers,  while  the 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


89 


Chinese  navy  had  a greater  number  of  heavy  battle- 
ships. The  Japanese  vessels  were  faster  and  better 
maneuvered,  while  the  Chinese  men-of-war  had  the 
larger  guns. 

The  bold  plan  of  an  attack  on  the  Chinese  fleet 
under  the  guns  of  Wei  Hai  Wei  was  decided  upon. 
At  one  o’clock  in  the  morning  of  August  11  twelve 
Japanese  meu-of-war  and  6 torpedo-boats  entered 
the  harbor  under  cover  of  darkness.  The  torpedo- 
boats  were  sent  to  sink  the  Chinese  ships,  but  a 
British  cruiser  in  the  harbor  suddenly  flashed  a light 
on  the  boats  and  fired  a salute  for  the  Japanese 
vessels.  It  was  afterward  explained  by  her  com- 
mander that  his  object  was  to  prevent  the  Japanese 
torpedo-boats  from  attacking  his  vessel.  But  the 
attempted  surprise  had  been  largely  spoiled.  The 
Chinese  forts  and  ships  opened  fire  on  the  Japanese, 
and  after  an  hour’s  exchange  of  shots  the  Japanese 
withdrew,  little  damage  having  been  done  on  either 
side.  A few  days  later  the  Japanese  fleet  attacked 
Port  Arthur  to  learn  the  position  of  its  guns.  After 
this  had  been  accomplished  the  fleet  retired,  not 
being  ready  to  risk  a decisive  engagement  with  the 
powerful  Armstrong  guns  of  the  land  batteries 
there. 

A state  of  war  now  being  in  full  blast,  formal 
declarations  of  hostilities  were  made  by  the  govern- 
ments of  China  and  Japan.  China  requested  the 
United  States  representatives  in  Japan  to  look  after 
the  interests  of  her  subjects  during  the  period  of 


90 


THE  CHINESE- JAPANESE  WAR. 


conflict,  and  Japan  made  a similar  request  as  to  the 
United  States  representatives  in  China.  Both  were 
granted. 

The  chief  burden  of  the  war  as  regards  China 
fell  upon  Li  Hung  Chang,  who  was  then  in  supreme 
control  at  Pekin.  He  had  tried  his  best  to  avert 
hostilities,  but  now  that  they  had  come  he  was  to 
be  the  executive  director  of  them.  The  problem 
was  a trying  one.  Besides  the  comparative  inef- 
fectiveness of  his  navy,  his  army  was  not  one-fourth 
as  strong  as  Japan’s.  The  viceroys  of  the  provinces, 
each  anxious  to  retain  troops  for  the  protection  of 
local  territory,  failed  to  extend  hearty  cooperation. 
China,  though  immensely  richer  in  material  re- 
sources than  Japan,  was  financially  crippled.  Her 
wealthy  men  would  not  take  a loan  of  $1,000,000, 
while  public-spirited  Japanese  readily  advanced 
$15,000,000  for  their  government. 

Japan,  which  had  in  the  meantime  forced  Korea 
to  conclude  a treaty  of  ofiensive  and  defensive 
alliance,  took  energetic  steps  for  the  military  occu- 
pation of  that  country.  She  landed  30,000  troops 
at  Chemulpo,  12,000  at  Fusan  and  3000  at  Gensan, 
taking  possession  of  the  sti’ategic  positions  and  roads, 
constructing  field  telegraphs  and  transporting  sup- 
plies in  conformity  with  a previously  prepared  plan. 
China  also  made  ready  to  invade  Korea  in  force. 
She  had  2000  picked  Manchu  veterans  at  Assan  and 
5000  coolie  recruits  were  landed  to  reinforce  them. 
Troops  were  also  massed  in  Manchuria  preparatory 


THE  CHINESE- JAPANESE  WAR. 


91 


to  invading  Korea  by  crossing  the  Yalu  river.  The 
movement  over  the  Yalu  begun  July  25,  and  by 
August  1,  30,000  men  were  concentrated  at  Wichu, 
in  the  northwestern  corner  of  Korea,  where  several 
thousand  more  who  went  from  China  by  sea  joined 
them  later.  This  army  advanced  about  100  miles 
southward  and  took  up  a position  at  Pingyang. 

The  Japanese  drove  the  Chinese  force  out  of 
Assail,  and  advanced  to  a point  near  Pingyang 
prepared  to  give  battle  to  the  main  army  of  the  foe. 
The  possession  of  Assan  was  gained  by  the  Japanese 
only  after  a severe  fight.  They  were  commanded 
by  Gen.  Oshima,  who  had  studied  military  science 
in  Germany  and  was  a clever  strategist.  Applying 
his  European  knowledge,  he  first  attacked  the 
Chinese  in  the  flanks  and  rear,  afterward  delivering 
an  assault  in  front.  The  Chinese  lost  500  men  and 
the  Japanese  but  75  in  the  battle.  Gen.  Yeh,  the 
Chinese  commander,  managed  to  retreat  in  good 
order,  leaving,  however,  4 of  his  cannon  and  most 
of  his  war  stores  in  the  hands  of  the  Japanese.  By 
a rapid  march  of  350  miles  he  retreated  to  Ping- 
yang, where  he  joined  Gen.  Tio’s  main  army.  This 
march  was  successfully  accomplished  under  great 
difficulty,  and  American  and  European  strategists 
bestowed  high  praise  on  it. 

Gen.  Oshima,  the  victorious  Japanese  com- 
mander, advanced  to  Pong  San,  north  of  Seoul, 
where  he  was  reinforced  by  12,000  men,  who  had 
landed  at  Fusan  and  6000  who  had  debarked  at 


92 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


Chemulpo.  The  Chinese  made  the  Taitong  river 
their  main  line  of  defense.  They  advanced  in  force 
August  13  and  won  a few  minor  successes,  but 
allowed  themselves  to  be  entrapped  by  the  wily 
Japanese  near  Changhua  and  were  defeated  with  a 
loss  of  500  men.  The  Chinese  soon  received  rein- 
forcements which  brought  their  army  on  the  Taitong 
up  to  34,000  men.  A Japanese  force  of  8000  landed 
at  Gensan  and  marched  over  the  mountains  to  attack 
the  Chinese  in  flank.  Still  another  force  landed  at 
Pingyang  inlet  and  established  itself,  after  a hot 
fight,  at  Hwang  Ju,  45  miles  from  Pingyang. 
Soon  all  was  ripe  for  a general  attack  on  Ping- 
yang. The  force  that  had  landed  at  Gensan 
attacked  one  flank  of  the  Chinese  and  the  Hwang 
Ju  column  attacked  the  other.  The  Chinese  were 
compelled  to  retreat  to  the  city  of  Pingyang,  after 
suffering  heavy  losses,  and  shut  themselves  up  there 
in  a strongly  fortified  position.  Here,  on  Septem- 
ber 16,  another  well-planned  assault  was  delivered. 
Field  Marshal  Yamagata  having  arrived  to  take 
supreme  command  of  the  Japanese.  His  army 
numbered  40,000  and  that  of  his  opponents  about 
30,000.  The  center  column  of  the  Japanese  ham- 
mered the  Chinese  front  and  the  other  columns 
surprised  Gen.  Tio’s  men  by  attacking  on  the  flanks 
and  rear,  where,  having  failed  to  learn  by  expe- 
rience, they  were  unprepared  to  resist.  Caught  at 
a great  disadvantage,  the  Chinese  became  panic- 
stricken  and  the  Japanese  cut  them  down  without 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


93 


mercy.  The  Chinese  losses  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners  were  more  than  16,000  while  the  victors 
lost  but  30  killed  and  270  wounded.  Five  thou- 
sand trained  troops  of  the  Chinese  army  who  formed 
a nucleus  for  the  mass  of  coolie  recruits  stood  their 
ground  until  all  of  them  were  cut  down.  Four 
Chinese  generals  were  captured,  besides  thousands 
of  rifles  and  great  stores  of  ammunition  and 
food. 

The  next  development  of  the  war  was  a naval 
one,  and  in  many  respects  the  most  important  inci- 
dent of  the  entire  conflict.  It  was  the  famous  battle 
of  the  Yalu  river,  in  which  the  power  of  the  Chinese 
fleet  was  utterly  broken  and  the  Japanese  established 
conclusively  their  prowess  as  a naval  nation.  Bent 
on  strengthening  their  military  position  in  Northern 
Korea,  the  Chinese  assembled  fresh  troops  at  Wei 
Hai  Wei  and  reinforced  their  fleet  under  Admiral 
Ting  by  ships  drawn  from  the  southern  coast  of  the 
empire.  The  fleet  sailed  September  14  for  the  mouth 
of  the  Yalu,  convoying  six  transports  on  board  of 
which  were  4000  troops,  with  guns  and  stores.  On 
September  17  the  ships  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Yalu.  A Japanese  fleet,  which  was  cruising  in  the 
vicinity,  sighted  them,  and  deploying  in  line  of 
battle,  began  an  immediate  advance  while  the  trans- 
ports were  beginning  to  unload. 

It  was  a fine  naval  spectacle,  for  both  fleets  were 
composed  of  powerful  modern  vessels  and  each  was 
by  no  means  inconsiderable  in  size. 


94 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAK. 


China’s  ships  in  the  first  line  of  defense  were  the 
Chen  Yuen,  Chiug  Yuen,  Ting  Yuen,  Chao  Yung, 
Yung  Wei,  Chih  Yuen,  and  Chi  Yuen,  all  being 
battleships  except  the  two  last-named,  which  were 
cruisers.  A second  line  of  defense  was  made  up  of 
the  cruisers  Kwang  Kai  and  Kwang  Ting  and  four 
torpedo  boats.  On  the  Japanese  side  were  the  cruis- 
ers Matsusima,  Itsukushima,  Hashidate,  Yoshino, 
Naniwa,  Takachiho,  Akitsushima,  Chigoda,  Hi  Yei, 
Fuso,  Akagi,  Sakio  Maru  and  five  torpedo  boats. 

Advancing,  the  Japanese  ships  maneuvered  at 
full  speed,  circling  about  the  Chinese  fleet,  which 
drew  up  in  wedge  formation  and  remained  on  the 
defensive,  turning  slowly  to  keep  up  with  the  move- 
ments of  the  Japanese  and  always  facing  them.  By 
this  means  the  Chinese  hoped  to  neutralize  the  speed 
of  the  hostile  cruisers  and  beat  them  off  with  the 
fire  of  heavy  guns. 

The  Japanese  finally  opened  broadsides  on  the 
Chen  Yuen  and  Ting  Yuen  and  tried  to  break 
through  the  first  line  of  defense  so  as  to  attack  the 
transports.  After  they  had  completed  one  circle, 
firing  as  they  moved,  they  hauled  off  and  at  a dis- 
tance of  8000  yards  formed  two  divisions,  the  first 
which  composed  of  the  seven  best  crusiers,  advanced 
to  attack  the  Chen  Yuen  and  Ting  Yuen.  The 
other  division  engaged  the  Chinese  cruisers.  Again 
they  circled  around  the  Chinese  fleet,  taking  full 
advantage  of  their  sjjced  and  using  their  quick-firing 
guns,  whose  shells  set  the  Chinese  ships  on  fire 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAE. 


95 


several  times  and  riddled  their  vast  protected  parts. 
By  fast  maneuvering  the  Japanese  avoided  to  a large 
extent  the  fire  of  the  Chinese  heavy  guns,  but  some 
of  the  huge  shells  struck  home  and  the  Japanese 
had  practically  to  stop  fighting  several  times  in 
order  to  put  out  fires  on  their  own  vessels.  The 
Chinese  fired  197  rounds  with  12  inch,  and  268 
rounds  with  6 inch  guns  and  the  roar  was  awful. 
Near  the  close  of  the  battle  their  supply  of  shells 
became  exhausted,  and  they  had  to  rely  exclusively 
on  steel  shot,  which  were  not  so  effective. 

Bursting  Japanese  shells  silenced  the  big  guns  of 
both  the  Chen  Yuen  and  Ting  Yuen.  The  Chen 
Yuen  suffered  fearfully.  Of  the  460  men  on  board 
of  her  when  the  battle  began,  350  were  killed.  The 
Chih  Yuen  was  struck  on  the  hull  and  her  com- 
mander, Captain  Tang,  rushed  her  at  full  speed  at 
the  opposing  Japanese  ship  with  the  intention  of 
ramming  but  his  vessel  foundered  with  250  men  on 
board  before  reaching  her  mark.  The  Ching  Yuen 
caught  fire  in  several  places  and  was  finally  sunk 
with  a torpedo,  her  270  men  going  down  with  her. 
Captain  Fong  took  the  Chi  Yuen  out  of  action  and 
guided  her  into  shallow  water,  where  she  ran  down 
and  sank  the  sister  Chinese  ship  Yung  Wei,  most 
of  whose  crew  of  250  were  drowned.  For  this  act 
Fong  was  beheaded  when  he  returned  to  Port 
Arthur  later.  The  Kwang  Kai  took  to  flight  and 
ran  upon  a reef  in  Talienwan  Bay,  where  the 
Japanese  found  and  destroyed  her  afterward.  The 


96 


THE  OHINESE-JAPANESE  WAE. 


Chao  Yung  also  ran  aground  and  was  set  on  fire  by 
Japanese  shells.  The  Akitsushima  and  Yoshino 
made  a sudden  attack  on  the  starboard  side  of  the 
Chinese  line  followed  by  three  torpedo  boats.  But 
the  Ting  Yuen  and  Chao  Yung  stopped  the  tor- 
pedoes with  nets  and  beat  oif  the  Japanese  cruisers, 
which  were  badly  battered.  Despite  their  heavy 
losses,  the  Chinese  fleet  succeeded  in  preventing  the 
Japanese  from  breaking  through  and  attacking  the 
transports.  The  battle  raged  fiercely  from  1 p.  M. 
until  darkness  set  in,  when  the  Japanese  fleet, 
though  it  had  crushed  the  sea  power  of  China,  with- 
drew, too  much  battered  to  follow  up  its  victory. 
In  the  entire  combat  the  Japanese  lost  but  40  killed 
and  160  wounded,  while  the  Chinese  lost  over  ten 
times  as  many. 

The  Chinese  fleet  having  been  crushed  and  the 
Chinese  army  defeated  at  Pingyang,  the  Japanese 
organized  a flying  column  of  troops  to  secure  the 
mountain  passes  of  northern  Korea  preparatory  to 
marching  into  Chinese  territory  by  that  route. 
The  Chinese  general  Sung  Kwei  had  posted  15,000 
soldiers  along  the  Yalu  and  6000  as  a reserve  in 
the  fortified  city  of  Kiu  Lien  Cheng.  The  key  to  his 
position  was  Hu  Shan,  where  he  constructed  strong 
intrenchments  and  stationed  nearly  100  cannon 
with  a force  of  6000  men.  On  October  25  a 
Japanese  army  1 7,000  strong  attacked  Hu  Shan  in 
the  usual  way  simultaneously  on  the  front,  flanks 
and  rear.  The  Chinese  position  was  soon  carried, 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


97 


its  defenders  leaving  700  dead  on  the  field  and  the 
victors  losing  but  33  killed  and  112  wounded. 
Carrying  most  of  their  guns  the  Chinese  retreated 
to  Chin  Lien,  30  miles  north  of  the  Yalu.  A stand 
was  made  by  General  Sung  at  Kiu  Lien  Cheng,  but 
he,  too,  met  a bloody  defeat,  losing  200  killed,  while 
but  20  of  the  Japanese  attacking  force  were  killed. 
The  Chinese  were  thus  forced  to  evacuate  all  Korea. 

The  Japanese  now  pressed  on  and  invaded 
Manchuria,  General  Nodzu  moving  against  Feng 
Huang  Cheng,  where  the  Chinese  had  collected  for 
another  stand.  Nodzu  attacked  October  28  aud 
again  the  Japanese  won  an  easy  victory.  It  had 
become  plainly  apparent  that  their  superior  tactics 
and  marksmanship  were  far  more  than  a match  for 
the  Chinese,  whose  bravery  could  not  compensate 
for  their  ignorance  of  the  modern  art  of  war, 
Lieutenant-General  Knei  Hsiang,  father  of  the 
emperor’s  wife,  took  the  direction  of  the  defenses 
of  Manchuria  and  hurried  fresh  brigades  of  raw 
coolies  to  the  front.  These  coolies,  as  usual,  were 
insufficiently  fed,  poorly  equipped  and  not  certain 
of  getting  their  pay. 

General  Ma  encamped  at  Sinyen  with  20,000 
Chinese,  who  were  attacked  November  11  by  Japa- 
nese under  General  Oseko  and  put  to  flight.  The 
Chinese  made  several  stands  of  lesser  importance 
but  were  defeated  iu  every  case. 

Port  Arthur,  the  powerful  fortress  at  the  end 
of  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula,  which  Russia  has  since 
7 


98 


THE  CHINESE- JAPANESE  WAR. 


gotten  possession  of,  became  an  object  of  attack  by 
the  Japanese.  An  army  of  30,000  men  was  col- 
lected at  Hiroshima,  where  the  Japanese  emperor, 
Mutsnhito,  established  his  headquartei*s  as  com- 
raander-in-chief.  This  army  sailed  October  23  on 
38  transports,  escorted  by  the  fleet.  It  was  com- 
manded by  Field  Marshal  Count  Oyama,  who  had 
been  released  from  his  duties  as  minister  of  war  to 
take  a billet  in  the  field.  The  troops  landed  at  Honen 
Ku,  85  miles  northeast  of  Port  Arthur  and  attacked 
on  November  4 the  forts  at  Kinchau,  which  were 
promptly  captured,  the  1500  Chinese  defenders 
making  but  a feeble  defense.  In  a few  days  the 
six  forts  at  Talienwan  were  attacked  from  the  rear 
after  a bombardment  and  were  captured  with  a 
rush,  the  garrison  of  3000  men  running  away  after 
firing  a few  shots  and  leaving  their  arms  and 
standards  as  they  fled  toward  Port  Arthur.  The 
Chinese  force  at  Port  Arthur  consisted  of  15,000 
men,  who  were  not  truste<l  by  their  commander,  being 
composed,  as  usual,  of  coolies.  He  sent  to  Tientsin 
for  reinforcements  and  Prince  Kung,  who  was  then 
in  control,  grudgingly  gave  him  2000  men.  Kung 
had  displaced  Li  Hung  Chang,  who  had  fallen 
into  disfavor  at  Pekin  as  a result  of  the  Chinese 
reverses  and  had  been  deprived  of  his  yellow 
jacket — the  royal  color — his  peacock  feather  and 
other  marks  of  distinction. 

Despite  the  weakness  of  the  coolie  army,  some 
of  the  preparations  for  defending  Port  Arthur 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


99 


showed  considerable  skill.  The  hills  were  lined 
with  dynamite,  connected  with  underground  electric 
wires.  General  Oyama  became  aware  of  these 
mines  and  advanced  his  troops  with  extreme  cau- 
tion, being  thus  able  to  escape  a serious  catastrophe. 

At  noon  on  November  20  the  attack  on  Port 
Arthur  began.  The  Japanese  fleet  and  land  batte- 
ries fired  simultaneously.  For  a time  the  artillery 
duel  was  terrific.  Some  Chinese  gunners  who  had 
been  trained  served  the  Armstrong  and  Krupp  can- 
non skillfully.  The  Chinese  infantry  made  a sortie 
in  three  columns  and  brought  the  Japanese  advance 
guard  to  a standstill  at  one  time,  but  Oyama  sent 
up  more  artillery  and  the  Chinese  were  driven  back. 
The  battle  raged  November  20,  21  and  22,  and 
ended  in  the  complete  success  of  the  Japanese,  who 
lost  but  250  in  killed  and  wounded.  The  Chinese 
loss  was  2000. 

In  Port  Arthur  80  cannon,  quantities  of  torpe- 
does, 10,000  tons  of  coal,  and  an  enormous  supply 
of  rice  were  captured.  Some  of  the  vessels  which 
had  been  disabled  in  the  battle  of  the  Yalu  were 
found  in  the  Chinese  docks,  and  these  the  victors 
repaired  and  converted  to  their  own  use.  The  re- 
paired battleship  Chen  Yuen  had  started  from  Wei 
Hai  Wei  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  defense  of 
Port  Arthur,  but  before  clearing  the  harbor  of  Wei 
Hai  Wei  she  accidentally  ran  upon  a sunken  torpedo, 
which  exploded.  Commodore  Lin,  her  commander, 
who  had  fought  heroically  in  the  Yalu  battle,  ran 


100 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


his  ship  upon  the  beach  to  prevent  her  from  sinking 
and  then  committed  suicide. 

Meanwhile  the  land  advance  into  Manchuria 
was  going  on.  The  reserves  of  a new  Japanese 
army  corps  were  mobilized  and  landed  on  the  shore 
of  Liao-Tung  gulf  near  Kinchau.  Communica- 
tion was  established  with  the  first  army,  which  was 
rapidly  moving  through  Manchuria  towards  Niu 
Chwang.  Two  .Chinese  armies  tried  to  keep  these 
corps  separated  but  without  success.  Winter  was 
on,  and  snow  covered  the  ground,  rendering  the 
military  operations  extremely  difficult. 

At  Kungwasai  one  of  the  most  desperate  battles 
of  the  war  was  fought  December  19.  The  Chinese 
were  posted  there  in  a strongly  intrenched  position 
which,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  was  not  open 
to  Japanese  attack  in  the  flanks  and  rear.  General 
Osaka  had  a larger  army  and  a considerable  number 
of  cannon,  so  he  decided  on  a frontal  attack.  His 
fire  was  hotly  returned  when  he  advanced  and  his 
men  were  driven  back  with  heavy  loss,  mitrailleuses 
having  suddenly  opened  on  them.  A second  assault 
was  attempted  and  another  repulse  was  the  result. 
Japanese  reinforcements  finally  arrived  and  Kung- 
wasai was  captured  by  the  fourth  charge  of  the 
Japanese  in  the  face  of  a galling  fire.  They  lost 
450  men,  while  the  Chinese  loss,  including  pris- 
oners, was  900. 

The  year  1894  ended  in  gloom  for  China.  Prince 
Rung  had  done  no  better  in  the  management  of  the 


THE  CHINESE- JAPANESE  WAR. 


101 


war  thau  Li  Hung  Chang,  if  as  well,  and  he  was 
replaced  by  Liu  Kuu  Yi,  viceroy  of  Canton,  who 
was  directed  to  organize  the  defense  of  the  province 
of  Pechili,  in  which  Pekin  is  situated. 

On  January  17,  1895,  two  Chinese  armies  about 

14.000  strong  attacked  a strong  body  of  Japanese 
who  were  intrenched  at  Hai-Tcheng.  The  attack 
was  a failure,  the  Chinese  losing  Generals  Cheng 
and  Tai,  their  two  commanders,  and  being  driven  off 
with  the  loss  of  five  cannon.  Five  days  later  the 
Chinese  attacked  the  same  place  again  and  suffered 
a second  repulse.  On  February  16  a Chinese 
army  of  16,000  men  made  a third  attack  but  the 
superior  artillery  fire  of  the  Japanese  won  the  day. 
Two  more  assaults  on  the  same  position  failed  to 
carry  it,  as  General  Yodzu,  the  Japanese  com- 
mander, seemed  to  be  prepared  for  all  emergencies. 

In  the  second  week  of  January  a third  army 

25.000  strong,  sailed  from  Japan  and  landed  in  the 
Chinese  province  of  Shantung  for  an  attack  on  Wei 
Hai  Wei.  Marshal  Oyuma  was  in  command  and 
the  powerful  Chinese  fortress  was  captured  by  the 
same  tactics  which  had  been  successful  at  Port 
Arthur.  A Japanese  fleet  of  20  cruisers  and  gun- 
boats, and  an  equal  number  of  torpedo  boats, 
cooperated.  The  invaders  occupied  the  land  forts 
February  2.  The  Chinese  fleet  which  had  massed 
in  the  bay  of  Wei  Hai  Wei  held  out  longer,  sur- 
rendering 14  days  afterward  when  most  of  its  ships 


102 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


had  been  captured  or  destroyed.  Admiral  Ting, 
the  Chinese  commander,  committed  suicide. 

The  Japanese  array  in  Manchuria  attacked  and 
captured  the  important  city  of  Niu  Chwang,  March  4, 
losing  206  killed  and  wounded.  The  Chinese  left  on 
the  field  1,880  killed  and  wounded,  and  18  cannon. 

The  capture  of  Niu  Chwang  and  Wei  Hai  Wei 
imminently  threatened  Pekin,  but  the  capital  was 
not  to  fall.  The  Chinese  government  saw  the  hope- 
lessness of  further  resistance  and  sent  Li  Hung 
Chang,  who  was  once  more  called  to  serve  his 
country  in  a critical  time,  to  conclude  terms  of 
peace.  Accompanied  by  John  W.  Foster,  a well- 
known  American  diplomatic  expert,  as  consultor 
and  adviser,  Li  landed  at  Shimoneseki,  Japan, 
March  19,  1895,  and  there  the  treaty  of  peace  was 
drawn  up.  Marquis  Ito  being  the  Mikado’s  prin- 
cipal representative  in  the  negotiations.  While  Li 
was  returning  from  one  of  the  conferences  at  Shi- 
moncseki,  Koyama,  a Japanese  patriot  of  the  fanat- 
ical order,  attempted  to  assassinate  him.  A bullet 
struck  the  famous  Chinese  statesman  in  the  face, 
inflicting  a serious  wound.  Nothing  daunted,  Li 
waited  for  the  wound  to  heal  and  then  resumed 
the  negotiations. 

On  April  17,  1895,  the  treaty  of  Shiraoneseki 
was  signed  by  Li  Hung  Chang  and  Li  Ching  Fong 
on  behalf  of  China  and  by  Marquis  Ito  and  Vis- 
count Mutsu  on  behalf  of  Japan.  The  complete 
independence  of  Korea  was  recognized.  China 


THE  CHINESE-JAPAXESE  WAR. 


103 


ceded  to  Japan  the  island  of  Formosa,  the  Pesca- 
dore  islands,  and  the  part  of  Manchuria  which  the 
Japanese  troops  had  occupied,  including  Port  Arthur. 
A war  indemnity  of  about  $150,000,000  was  to  be 
paid  by  China.  NYei  Hai  Wei  was  to  be  tempor- 
arily occupied  by  Japan  as  a guarantee  to  secure 
the  payment  of  this  sum.  China  agreed  to  open 
to  commerce  the  ports  of  Shashih,  Chung  King, 
Suchau  and  Hangchau.  In  this  form  the  treaty 
was  ratified  by  both  China  and  Japan,  though  at 
first  there  was  great  opposition  to  it  at  Pekin  on 
the  ground  that  it  made  too  many  concessions. 

But  Asia  was  not  to  settle  the  terms  of  peace  in 
final  form,  for  Europe  stepped  in  and  by  a show  of 
force  gobbled  the  chief  plums.  On  April  23,1895, 
the  Russian,  German  and  French  ministers  at  Tokio 
presented  a joint  note  to  the  Japanese  government 
protesting  against  the  cession  of  the  Liao-Tung 
peninsula,  which  embraced  the  extent  of  Japan’s 
gains  in  Manchuria.  The  protest  was  made  on  the 
ground  that  Japanese  possession  of  the  peninsula 
would  constitute  a serious  menace  to  Pekin  and  to 
the  independence  of  Korea,  thus  being  detrimental 
to  the  lasting  peace  of  the  Orient.  Each  of  these 
three  countries,  particularly  Russia,  made  a show  of 
force,  and  as  Japan  had  been  greatly  weakened  by 
her  conflict  with  China  she  felt  that  she  could  not 
afford  to  fight  this  formidable  coalition.  Finally, 
Russia  sent  an  ultimatum  and  Japan  agreed  to 
abandon  the  peninsula  on  the  payment  of  about 


104 


THE  CHIXESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


§20,000,000  extra  indemnity  by  China.  Paris  and 
St.  Petersburg  bankers,  with  the  guarantee  of  the 
Russian  government,  gave  China  a loan  to  enable 
her  to  meet  the  first  installment  of  the  indem- 
nity. 

Russia  was  now  on  the  best  of  terms  with  Pekin 
and  had  the  powerful  backing  of  Li  Hung  Chang. 
She  was  regarded  as  the  friend  who  had  enabled 
the  Chinese  to  recover  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula. 
Soon  a surprise  was  sprung.  In  the  summer  of 
1896,  a secret  treaty  with  China  was  arranged  by 
Count  Cassini,  then  the  Russian  Minister  at  Pekin. 
According  to  its  terms,  Russia  secured  a virtual  lease 
of  Port  Arthur  and  Talienwan  and  the  authority  to 
make  Port  Arthur  the  terminus  of  the  Siberian 
railroad,  with  concessions  for  building  branch  lines 
of  the  Russian  system  in  Manchuria.  Immediate 
steps  to  this  end  were  taken,  Russia  assuming  pos- 
session of  both  the  leased  ports  and  of  important 
strategic  positions  in  Manchuria.  The  treaty  was 
strengthened  by  subsequent  negotiations  until  Russia 
was  given  secure  possession  of  the  district  of  Port 
Arthur  and  Talienwan,  with  control  of  Manchuria. 
She  did  this  ostensibly  for  the  protection  of  her 
railroad  interests  and  China’s,  which  were  linked 
together  in  the  treaty.  Later,  Russia  began  secret 
moves  for  taking  practical  possession  of  Mongolia 
in  which  province,  however,  her  influence  is  not  yet 
so  pronounced  as  in  Manchuria.  Slie  preserves  the 
nominal  sovereignity  of  the  Pekin  government 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


105 


wherever  she  goes  in  China  and  where  she  takes 
practical  possession  it  is  done  under  this  guise. 

Germany  also  stepped  in.  The  war  with  Japan 
and  its  developments  had  immensely  stimulated  the 
feeling  against  foreigners  in  China  and  in  1897  two 
German  missionaries  were  murdered  in  Shantung 
province.  As  reparation  for  this  Germany  took 
possession  of  Kiaochau,  a strong  seaport  and 
natural  fortress  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Shantung. 
Later  Germany  claimed  the  entire  province  as  her 
“ sphere  of  influence  ’’  and  obtained  preferential 
rights  for  Germans  there.  She  was  at  length  given 
definite  control  of  Kiaochau  and  a large  adjacent 
tract  by  treaty. 

England  had  her  eye  on  Wei  Hai  Wei  as  an 
oflket  to  Port  Arthur  and  on  April  2,  1898,  the 
Chinese  government  agreed  to  lease  it  to  her.  The 
first  installments  of  the  war  indemnity  being  paid, 
Japan  withdrew  her  troops  from  Wei  Hai  Wei. 
Great  Britain  also  obtained  a cession  of  additional 
territory  in  the  Kowlun  district  which  was  added 
to  Hong  Kong. 

France  took  a slice  of  the  pie.  She  demanded  in 
April,  1898,  and  received  a lease  of  Kwangchau 
Bay,  in  Southern  China,  a concession  for  a railroad 
connecting  Tonkin  with  Yunnan-Fu  by  way  of  the 
Red  river;  an  agreement  by  China  not  to  alienate 
the  territories  of  the  Chinese  provinces  bordering  on 
the  French  possessions  in  Tonkin,  and  not  to  cede 
the  island  of  Hainan  to  any  other  power. 


106 


THE  CHINESE-JAPANESE  WAR. 


Italy  demanded,  on  February  28,  1899,  a lease  of 
San  Mun  Bay,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  China,  but 
the  Pekin  government  refused  this  and  Italy  did 
not  press  the  demand,  though  she  has  not  withdrawn 
it.  England  supported  Italy  in  this  question. 

All  this  created  great  alarm,  akin  to  panic,  among 
Chinamen,  and  paved  the  way  for  the  outbreak  of 
the  Boxers.  Bight  before  their  eyes  was  the  spec- 
tacle of  Europe  parcelling  out  the  empire,  as  if  it 
were  a “plum-cake,’’  to  quote  the  phrase  of  one 
observant  statesman.  Was  this  to  continue?  asked 
the  Chinese.  Were  their  government,  their  civili- 
zation, their  jiroperty,  but  a pawn  upon  the  inter- 
national chess  board  ? In  this  supreme  moment  of 
their  nation’s  history  their  wrath  fell  upon  the  mis- 
sionaries, whom  they  firmly  regarded  as  the  advance 
agents  of  fleets,  armies  and  grasping  diplomats,  the 
authors  of  their  undoing.  No  wonder  that  in  this 
state  of  feeling,  blood  was  to  flow  in  streams. 


CHAPTER  V. 


The  Railway  as  a Conqueror  in  Asia. 

IT  may  almost  be  said  that  Asia  can  hear  its 
doom  in  the  scream  of  the  locomotive’s  whistle. 
Nowhere  else  in  the  world  does  the  railway  play 
such  an  important  part  in  settling  the  destiny  of  a 
continent.  The  railway  in  Asia  is  not  only  an 
instrument  of  peace,  but  a weapon  of  war  and  a 
tool  of  diplomacy.  The  Cape-to-Cairo  project  in 
Africa  is  the  nearest  analogy  to  it,  but  the  map  of 
Africa  will  be  made  up  long  before  that  road  is 
completed.  In  Asia,  however,  the  changes  of 
international  boundaries  wait  upon  the  march  of 
the  all-conquering  monarch.  King  Railroad. 

Take  a map  of  the  continent  upon  which  the 
rail  lines  are  shown  and  you  will  see  the  Siberian 
system  of  roads,  like  a great  steel  hand,  reaching 
out  to  take  it  in  a grasp  which  is  not  to  be  relaxed. 
To  the  astute  advisers  of  the  czar  is  credit  due  for 
foreseeing  the  wonderful  possibilities  of  the  railway 
in  controlling  the  future  of  Asia.  In  their  cabinet 
chambers  at  St.  Petersburg  they  originated  a tre- 
mendous scheme  for  building  a series  of  roads,  all 
parts  of  the  same  immense  whole,  which  would 
give  them  the  mastery  of  the  continent.  This 

107 


108  THE  RAILWAY  AS  A CONQUEROR. 

scheme  has  dawned  on  the  world  gradually,  and  is 
yet  in  its  infancy  as  far  as  its  practical  accomplish- 
ment goes,  though  great  changes  have  been  made 
already.  It  has  two  objects,  both  open  and  avowed. 
One  is  to  divert  the  trade  of  Asia  from  the  seacoast 
inland  to  Russia.  The  other  is  to  extend  Russian 
domination  over  any  part  of  the  continent  which 
the  Czar  may  choose  to  take.  Russia  reasons  that 
in  the  past  the  European  nation  which  has  con- 
trolled the  trade  of  Asia  has  been  the  leading  power 
in  the  world,  and  she  aspires  to  attain  that  distinc- 
tion by  means  of  the  railroad.  If  the  Russians 
are  not  sailors,  they  can  at  least  be  tireless  railroad 
builders  and  work  out  a destiny  which  may  put 
that  of  the  maritime  nations  in  the  shade. 

China,  as  the  richest  prize,  engaged  the  first 
attention  of  the  Czar.  To  win  her  when  the  time 
comes,  Russia  must  be  able  to  hurl  immense  masses 
of  troops  quickly  to  her  borders.  The  route  by 
sea  from  Russia’s  strip  of  coast  on  the  Baltic  is 
impracticable  for  this.  The  railway  route  eastward 
through  the  lieart  of  Siberia  is  practicable  and  to 
this  Russia  has  turned. 

When  the  project  was  first  undertaken  it  was 
announced  that  the  eastern  terminus  of  the  road 
was  to  be  Vladivostock,  on  the  Pacific,  at  the 
extreme  southeastern  dip  of  Siberia.  This  would 
have  served  the  purposes  of  war  but  not  of  com- 
merce, and  Russia  wanted  it  to  serve  both.  Vladi- 
vostock, though  a good  natural  harbor  and  capable 


THE  RAILWAY  AS  A CONQUEROR.  109 


of  almost  impregnable  fortification,  is  ice-locked  for 
several  months  of  the  year.  Port  Arthur,  further 
south,  at  the  northern  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili 
and  in  Chinese  territory,  was  the  ideal  site  for  the 
terminus.  No  wonder  Russia  joined  France  and 
Germany,  at  the  close  of  the  Chinese-Japanese  war, 
in  “advising”  Japan  not  to  retain  Port  Arthur, 
which  she  had  conquered,  for  fear  that  it  might 
lead  to  serious  complications  and  menace  the  integ- 
rity of  China. 

Soon  after  the  Japanese  troops  had  withdrawn, 
Russia  had  obtained  Port  Arthur  and  the  near-by 
harbor  of  Talienwan  under  the  guise  of  a lease  from 
China.  She  proceeded  with  equal  promptness  to 
fortify  the  former  and  to  equip  it  with  handsome 
and  costly  buildings  suitable  for  every  purpose  of  a 
military  and  commercial  centre.  Japan  looked  on  in 
amazement  and  rage,  but  it  was  too  late.  “ What 
are  you  going  to  do  about  it?”  asked  Russia,  Ger- 
many and  France.  And  Japan  did  nothing. 

Though  the  railroad  had  been  partly  constructed 
from  Vladivostock  northward  there  was  an  imme- 
diate change  of  plan  so  as  to  divert  the  principal 
eastern  terminus  to  Port  Arthur.  This  has  now 
been  almost  accomplished.  Except  for  a stretch  of 
a few  hundred  miles  in  Manchuria,  the  road  is 
ready.  In  its  hasty  construction  it  has  not  been 
made  suitable  for  a regular  service  of  fast  trains 
over  its  entire  length,  but  it  can  haul  soldiers  and 
supplies,  and  that  is  the  main  point  to  be  gained  by 


110  THE  RAILWAY  AS  A CONQUEROR. 


the  Czar  at  first.  Over  the  part  of  the  route  as  yet 
uncompleted  is  maintained  a gigantic  caravan  ser- 
vice, which  in  time  of  sudden  emergency  can  bridge 
the  gap.  In  the  last  six  months,  with  war  in  Asia 
as  an  imminent  probability,  from  50,000  to  100,000 
Chinese  coolies  have  been  constantly  employed  in 
the  work  of  construction.  By  the  autumn  of  1900, 
if  present  plans  can  be  carried  out,  the  road  will  be 
ready  for  war  uses.  In  1902,  it  is  proposed,  the 
line  shall  be  ready  for  a through  passenger  and 
freight  service  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Vladivostock 
and  Port  Arthur  by  way  of  the  growing  towns  in 
the  fertile  section  of  Central  Siberia.  Already  there 
has  been  a great  spur  to  immigration  into  Siberia 
as  a result  of  the  possibilities  of  the  situation  de- 
veloped by  the  portion  of  the  road  so  far  completed. 
Several  hundred  thousand  Russians  emigrate  there 
every  year,  besides  a not  inconsiderable  number  of 
fortune  seekers  from  other  parts  of  the  world. 
Siberia  is  a fine  wheat  country  and  contains  an 
almost  inexhaustible  store  of  minerals  beneath  her 
soil.  Except  in  the  extreme  northern  portion,  the 
climate  is  suitable  for  outdoor  work.  The  railroad 
has  been  the  making  of  the  country.  To  aid  in 
removing  the  stain  from  Siberia’s  reputation,  the 
czar  has  decreed  the  end  of  banishment  to  that 
country  as  a penalty.  Numerous  branches  are  being 
constructed  or  projected  as  ramifications  from  the 
central  line  of  rails  extending  through  Siberia,  and 


THE  RAILWAY  AS  A CONQUEROR.  Ill 

this  will  facilitate  the  purposes  both  of  peace  and 
of  war. 

The  Trans-Caspian  system  of  railways,  stretching 
through  central  Asia  by  way  of  the  Caspian  sea  and 
connecting  with  Moscow  and  St.  Petersburg,  is 
perhaps  destined  to  be  even  greater  in  its  influence 
on  the  continent  than  the  Siberian  system.  Already 
it  is  completed  almost  to  the  border  of  Mongolia. 
If  Russia  gets  fixed  possession  of  northern  and  central 
China,  she  proposes  to  extend  this  line  right  through 
the  heart  of  the  Chinese  empire  to  Pekin,  thus 
paralleling  the  Siberian  railroad  about  800  miles 
to  the  south  and  making  a more  nearly  direct  and 
a shorter  route  from  Europe  to  Pekin. 

While  the  Siberian  railroad  may  be  said  to  be 
the  Czar’s  eye  in  watching  China,  it  is  through  the 
Trans-Caspian  system  that  he  watches  Persia,  Afg- 
hanistan and  India.  Rails  are  laid  to  Kuskh,  on 
the  northern  border  of  Afghanistan,  50  miles  from 
Herat,  and  a supply  of  them  is  kept  constantly 
ready  at  Kuskh  to  extend  the  line  to  Herat  in  a 
few  days  when  the  emergency  comes.  It  is  through 
this  gateway  that  Russia  proposes  to  invade  India, 
if  at  all. 

Though  China  is  networked  with  railway  projects, 
few  of  them  have  yet  reached  the  stage  of  actual 
realization.  The  lines  in  operation  up  to  the 
time  of  the  present  crisis  may  be  described  as 
follows  : 


112  THE  RAILWAY  AS  A CONQUEROR. 


Miles. 


Imperial  Chinese  railway,  extending  from  Pekin 
east  and  northeast  via  Tientsin  and  Tongku, 
on  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  to  a connection  with 

the  Port  Arthur  line 367 

Branches 40 

Belgian  Line — From  near  Pekin  southwest  to 

Paoting 78 

Branch 10 

Total  track 495 


The  principal  lines  for  which  concessions  have 
been  sectircd  or  were  recently  being  sought  may  be 
described  as  follows,  the  proposed  mileage  being 
estimated  in  round  numbers  : 

Miles. 


Chinese  Eastern  Railway — From  Port  Arthur  to 
the  Russian  boundary,  for  a connection  with 
the  Trans-Siberian  Railway  (Chinese-Rus- 

sian) 1,000 

Branch  to  Vlad  ivostock 400 

Extension  from  Kinchau  north 100 

Pekin-Hankau  Line  (Belgian) 700 

Hankow-Canton  Line  (American) 700 

Tientsin-Shanghai  Line  (German) 700 

Shanghai-Hongkong-Canton  project  (British)...  900 

Shanghai  to  Nanking,  etc.  (British) 200 

Chengtoo,  capital  of  province  of  Szechuan,  to 

Canton  Line 800 

Canton  west  to  the  Burmah  boundary  (to  con- 
nect with  British-Indian  system  via  Man- 
dalay and  Calcutta) 1,000 

East  and  west  lines  in  western  coal  and  iron 

regions  (British,  American  and  Italian) 500 

South  China — Several  projects  (French) 500 


Total 7,500 


THE  RAILWAY  AS  A CONQUEROR.  113 

Ample  American  capital  is  backing  the  proposed 
road  which  is  to  connect  Hankau  with  Canton.  In 
connection  with  the  line  from  Pekin  to  Hankau  and 
with  those  stretching  north  of  Pekin,  it  will  form  a 
continuous  route  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Canton.  A 
preliminary  survey  for  this  road  was  completed  in 
1899.  Hankau  is  one  of  the  largest  and  busiest 
cities  in  China.  It  contains  more  than  a million 
inhabitants,  and  is  situated  on  the  great  Yangtzeki- 
ang,  500  miles  above  Shanghai,  which  is  at  the 
river’s  mouth.  Belgian  capital,  which  is  believed 
to  be  associated  with  Russian,  is  behind  the  Pekin- 
Hankau  project. 

The  railway-political  moves  have  also  extended 
to  Asia  Minor.  Roughly  speaking,  the  Sultan  has 
granted  to  the  Germans  a railway  ‘‘sphere”  in 
Western  Asia  Minor,  and  to  the  Russians  similar 
j)rivileges  in  the  Eastern  section.  Both  the  German 
and  Russian  lines  in  that  quarter  are  partly  con- 
structed and  are  expected  to  play  a big  part  when 
the  time  for  the  division  of  the  Turkish  dominions 
comes.  The  czar’s  latest  scheme  is  for  a railway 
through  Persia  to  Bunder-Abbas,  on  the  Persian 
gulf. 


8 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Four  Notable  Characters  in  China  : — The 
Empress  Dowager,  The  Emperor, 

Li  Hung  Chang  and 
Kang  Yu  Wei. 

IKE  Elizabeth  of  England  and  Catherine  of 


Russia,  Tzi-hsi,  dowager  empress  of  China, 
rules  millions  of  subjects  as  one  born  to  rule. 
The  influence  of  her  strong  personality  is  felt 
around  the  whole  world.  All  who  come  in  con- 
tact with  her  admit  the  powerful  grasp  of  her 
mind,  commanding  the  most  intricate  details  of  the 
government  of  her  immense  empire  and  the  schemes, 
ambitions  and  methods  of  the  world-powers  that 
seek  to  appropriate  it  for  their  own.  Diplomats 
who  have  had  their  selfish  projects  thwarted  by  her 
deep  penetration  and  vigor  of  decision  and  action, 
have  expressed  some  uncomplimentary  opinions 
about  her.  Correspondents,  magazine  writers,  and 
historians,  belonging  to  nations  which  are  none  too 
friendly  to  China,  have  painted  her  character  from 
their  own  points  of  view.  But  all,  whatever  de- 
merits they  ascribe  to  her,  join  in  bearing  witne.ss 
to  the  fact  that  she  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
women  of  her  time. 


114 


The  Empress  Dowager  of  (;hixa, 
(From  a Chinese  water  color.) 


FOUR  NOTABI.E  CHARACTERS. 


115 


Tzi-hsi  is  a masterful  woman.  Though  she 
listens  to  her  advisers,  she  acts  on  her  own  resolu- 
tions, dominating  by  the  force  of  her  personality  the 
princes  and  mandarins  of  the  palace.  She  is  a 
patriot  through  and  through.  As  Elizabeth  was 
English  to  the  core  and  Catherine  Russian,  so  is 
Tzi-hsi  a Chinese  in  every  fibre  of  her  being. 
She  typifies  in  herself  the  character  of  her  country’s 
people.  Reverencing  the  past  in  the  same  spirit  in 
which  she  worships  her  ancestors,  she  would  keep 
China  for  the  Chinese  and  preserve  its  historic 
civilization  forever.  The  future  may  prove  that 
her  policy  was  short-sighted.  At  least  it  can  be 
said  that  she  was  consistent  iu  it  and  pursued  it  with 
a vigor  little  short  of  marvellous. 

The  reign  of  Tzi-hsi  has  fallen  on  troublous 
times.  The  steamship  and  the  railway  have 
brought  the  outer  world  at  China’s  doors,  and  the 
cry  of  the  foreigner  is  for  the  possession  of  the 
ancient  empire.  The  keenest  wits  among  Europe’s 
diplomats  have  been  matched  against  that  of  Tzi- 
hsi.  Bent  by  nature  only  on  the  administration  of 
her  own  dominion,  she  has  been  compelled  to  make 
foreign  relations  a daily  problem.  It  was  an  ordeal 
from  which  a man  might  have  shrunk.  To  match 
intellects  with  the  world  was  a task  to  appall.  But 
Tzi-hsi  has  met  the  situation  boldly  and  if  her 
cause  goes  down  she  will  go  with  it. 

This  remarkable  woman  is  now  63  years  old. 
She  is  the  daughter  of  a mandarin,  but  became  an 


116 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


attendant — practically  a slave — in  the  palace  of 
Emperor  Hieu  Fung.  In  youth  she  was  beautiful 
and  her  charms  fascinated  the  Celestial  monarch. 
She  became  one  of  his  wives  and  her  career  was 
made.  Politics  was  her  delight  and  at  last  she 
could  influence  the  mind  of  the  Emperor  himself. 

Hien  Fung  died  in  1861  and  Tzi-hsi  took  another 
step  upward.  Her  son,  the  boy  emperor,  was  then 
but  six  years  old.  She  and  Tzi-An,  the  two  princi- 
pal widows  of  Hien  Fung,  were  proclaimed  joint 
regents.  They  governed  until  1873,  when  the  boy 
emperor  came  of  age  according  to  Chinese  law. 
But  Tzi-hsi’s  absence  from  power  was  brief,  for  her 
son,  Emperor  Tuug-che,  died  two  years  later  and 
she  contrived  to  grasp  again  the  reins  she  had  laid 
down.  She  and  Tzi-An  once  more  assumed  the 
regency,  ignoring  the  claims  of  Ah-lu-te,  widow  of 
Tung-che.  The  death  of  Ah-lu-te  soon  occurred, 
and  was  ascribed  to  suicide.  Some  have  charged 
that  she  was  poisoned  by  the  ambitious  Tzi-hsi,  but 
proof  in  such  a case  is  naturally  lacking  and  the 
stories  of  the  alleged  murder  were  largely  of  foreign 
origin. 

There  being  no  heir  to  the  throne  after  the  death 
of  Tung-Che,  the  selection  of  a ruler,  under  Chinese 
custom,  devolved  upon  the  head  of  the  imperial 
family.  The  two  empresses,  by  decree,  announced 
that  their  choice  was  Tsai  Tien,  then — in  1875 — 
only  four  years  old.  Each  emperor  of  China  always 
assumes  a new  name  on  being  elevated  to  the  throne. 


Kuang  Hsu, 

EMPEROR  OF  CHINA. 


FOUR  JTOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


117 


The  name  bestowed  on  Tsai  Tien  was  Kuang  Hsu, 
and  he  it  is  who  is  the  present  emperor  of  China. 

In  1881  Tzi-An  died  and  then  Tzi-hsi  became 
sole  ruler.  Here  was  the  realization  of  her  dream. 
Her  power  was  supreme  and  there  was  none  to  say 
her  nay.  She  bent  her  energy  to  reorganizing  her 
court  and  to  the  internal  development  of  China, 
lopping  off  foreign  innovations  here  and  there,  and 
going  back  to  the  revered  customs  of  the  fore- 
fathers. 

Kuang  Hsu  came  of  age  in  1889,  after  the 
empress  dowager  had  reigned  alone  eight  years. 
The  dowager  nominally  retired,  but  was  still  re- 
garded as  the  real  ruler  of  China.  Her  influence 
was  repeatedly  made  manifest  in  edicts  which  the 
young  emperor  admitted  having  issued  under  her 
instructions.  For  a time  the  emperor  submitted  to 
her  dictation  without  question.  Then  occurred  a 
clash  and  he  came  off  second  best. 

Though  they  had  gotten  along  so  agreeably  for 
years,  there  was  a radical  difference  between  the 
bent  of  the  dowager  and  the  young  emperor.  She 
was  a conservative,  he  a reformer ; she  was  strong 
in  mind  and  body,  he  was  lacking  in  aggressiveness 
and  a prey  to  ill  health ; she  was  ambitious  and 
determined,  he  was  modest  and  given  to  concession. 
In  the  early  part  of  the  decade  just  passed,  reform- 
ers began  to  surround  the  young  emperor.  They 
had  learned  from  Japan  and  were  anxious  for  China 
to  emulate  the  ways  of  the  west.  The  emperor 


118 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


finally  became  a full  pledged  reformer.  He  pro- 
posed to  remodel  China,  The  younger  literati  and 
mandarins  ardently  espoused  his  cause.  A number 
of  influential  merchants  in  the  provinces  and  not  a 
few  high  officials  at  Pekin  joined  in.  The  conserv- 
atives were  in  great  alarm.  To  whom  could  they 
turn  but  to  their  leader  who  had  sat  on  the  throne, 
the  powerful  dowager  Tzi-hsi?  She  was  willing 
to  lead  again. 

Once  more  did  Tzi-hsi  assert  her  old  influence 
over  the  emperor  whom  she  had  governed  in  child- 
hood. So  completely  did  she  gain  the  ascendancy 
that  on  September  22,  1898,  she  openly  took  the 
reins  of  power  in  pursuance  of  an  edict  issued  in  the 
emperor’s  name  declaring  his  lack  of  capacity  and 
begging  her  to  assume  control.  Six  of  the  men  who 
had  Itcen  prominent  in  supporting  his  schemes  of 
reform  were  beheaded.  Kang  Yu  Wei,  the  most 
active  and  prominent  of  them  all,  escaped  to  Hong 
Kong.  A price  of  $50,000  was  put  on  his  head, 
but  he  managed  to  keep  out  of  range  of  the  dow- 
ager’s wrath. 

Tzi-hsi  was  now  in  complete  control,  but  she  was 
not  content  even  then.  She  wanted  not  only  to 
rule  China  while  she  lived,  but  to  select  the  heir  to 
the  throne.  Light  is  thrown  upon  her  remarkable 
ascendancy  over  the  emperor  by  the  following  edict 
issued  in  January  of  the  pre.seut  year  announcing 
the  .selection  of  the  heir,  the  edict  being  promul- 
gated over  the  emperor’s  own  name  : 


FOUR  XOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


119 


“ While  yet  in  our  infancy  we  were  by  grace  of  the  Emperor 
Tung-Che  chosen  to  succeed  him  in  the  heavy  responsibilities 
of  head  of  the  whole  Empire,  and  when  his  Majesty  died  we 
sought  day  and  night  to  be  deserving  of  such  kindness  by 
energy  and  faithfulness  in  our  duties.  We  were  also  indebted 
to  the  Empress  Dowager,  who  taught  and  cherished  us  assidu- 
ously, and  to  her  we  owe  our  safety  to  the  present  day.  ^'ow, 
be  it  also  known  that  when  we  were  selected  to  the  throne  it 
was  then  agreed  that  if  ever  we  should  have  a son,  that  sou 
should  be  proclaimed  heir  to  the  throne.  But  ever  since  last 
year  [1898]  we  have  been  constantly  ill,  and  it  was  for  this 
reason  that,  in  the  eighth  month  of  that  year,  the  Empress 
Dowager  graciously  acceded  to  our  urgent  prayers,  and  took 
over  the  reins  of  government  in  order  to  instruct  us  in  our 
duties.  A year  has  now  passed,  and  still  we  find  ourselves 
an  invalid,  but  ever  keeping  in  our  mind  that  we  do  not  belong 
to  the  direct  line  of  succession,  and  that,  for  the  sake  of  the 
safety  of  the  Empire  of  our  ancestor.s,  a legal  heir  should  be 
selected  to  the  throne,  we  again  prayed  the  Empress  Dowager 
to  carefully  choose  from  amongst  the  members  of  the  Imperial 
Clan  such  a one;  and  this  she  has  done  in  the  person  of  Pu 
Chun,  son  of  Tsai  Yi,  Prince  Tuan.  We  hereby  command 
accordingly  that  Pu  Chun,  the  son  of  Tsai  Yi,  Prince  Tuan,  be 
made  heir  to  the  late  Emperor  Tung-Che.” 

It  has  been  charged  that  the  dowager  is  in  .sym- 
pathy with  tlie  boxers,  and  that  to  her  was  dne  the 
fact  that  they  were  not  snppres.sed  at  the  inception 
of  their  organization.  As  far  as  sympathizing  with 
the  general  proposition  of  holding  China  for  the 
Chinese  is  concerned,  this  is  doubtless  true.  That 
she  has  gone  further  and  connived  at  niassacre.s  and 
outlawry  will  be  difficult  to  prove.  No  official  act 
of  the  Chinese  government,  which  she  actively 
directs,  can  as  yet  be  cited  in  support  of  this  charge. 


120 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


The  story  of  the  dowager  empress’  life,  as  just 
narrated,  is  so  interwoven  with  the  brief  career  of 
Emperor  Kuang  Hsu  that  little  remains  to  be  told 
of  him.  He  is  now  29  years  old.  Of  his  personal 
appearance  Col.  Charles  Denby,  late  United  States 
minister  to  China,  said  that  he  was  small  and  deli- 
cate looking,  but  that  his  eye  was  keen  and  he 
seemed  bright  and  intelligent.  An  English  official 
who  was  present  at  one  of  the  rare  imperial  audi- 
ences to  foreigners  thus  describes  the  sovereign  : 

“ His  air  is  one  of  exceeding  intelligence  and 
gentleness,  somewhat  frightened  and  melancholy 
looking.  His  face  is  pale,  and  though  it  is  distin- 
guished by  refinement  and  quiet  dignity  it  has  none 
of  the  force  of  his  martial  ancestors,  nothing  com- 
manding or  imperial.  He  is  essentially  Manchu  in 
feature,  his  face  oval-shaped,  with  a long,  narrow 
chin.” 

Kuang  Hsu’s  marriage,  which  took  place  in 
1889,  was  a magnificent  ceremonial  and  is  said  to 
have  cost  over  $5,000,000.  The  dowager  empress 
even  carried  her  control  over  him  to  the  extent  of 
selecting  his  bride.  The  conditions  were  simple. 
It  was  not  necessary  for  the  bride  to  be  of  princely 
blood,  but  she  must  be  of  a Manchu  family.  The 
choice  fell  upon  Yeh-ho-na-lao,  niece  of  the  dowager 
and  daughter  of  Knei  Hsiang,  a Manchu  general. 
She  was  selected  from  among  several  hundred  can- 
didates, who  were  summoned  to  the  palace  and 
inspected  by  the  dowager  and  high  court  digni- 


FOUR  NOTABLE  UHARACrTEES. 


121 


taries.  As  previously  stated,  there  has  been  no 
issue  of  this  marriage. 

And  now  a few  words  as  to  China’s  ‘‘  grand  old 
man,”  General  Grant’s  oft-quoted  remark  that  the 
only  three  men  he  met  in  his  trip  around  the  world 
who  impressed  him  as  truly  great  were  Bismarck, 
Gladstone  and  Li  Hung  Chang  affords  a clue  to 
the  estimation  in  which  the  greatest  of  China’s 
statesmen  is  held.  At  this  moment,  though  he  is 
82  years  old,  his  native  country  turns  to  him  and 
he  has  been  summoned  from  his  highly  important 
post  as  viceroy  of  Canton  to  proceed  to  Pekin  and 
consult  with  the  empress  dowager  as  to  the  best 
way  of  restoring  unhappy  China  to  the  peace  that 
once  prevailed.  He  has  held,  next  to  the  throne, 
supreme  power  in  China  longer  than  any  other  man 
in  the  present  century.  In  an  extraordinary  degree 
he  has  impressed  the  force  of  his  character  upon 
the  people  of  the  west. 

Vigor  in  mind  and  body  are  combined  in  Li 
Hung  Chang.  He  is  six  feet  two  inches  tall,  a 
height  seldom  reached  by  Chinamen,  though  in 
general  they  are  by  no  means  a small  race.  He 
wears  a beard,  one  of  the  few  things  which  the 
average  Chinaman  envies  the  Caucasian.  Abstemi- 
ous in  his  habits,  he  has  preserved  good  health 
through  a long  life  filled  with  work  that  might 
break  down  many  a younger  man. 

A conservative  when  judged  by  Western  stan- 
dards, Li  is  vigorously  progressive  according  to 


122 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


the  view  of  the  Chinese.  He  is  tolerant  toward 
missionaries  and  an  ardent  believer  in  modern 
methods  so  long  as  they  are  compatible  with  the 
peculiar  character  of  Chinese  civilization.  More 
than  any  other  Chinamen  he  understands  the  spirit 
of  the  Caucasian  peoples. 

Li  was  born  in  South  China  of  a good  family. 
He  studied  indefatigably  in  youth  and  passed  the 
civil  service  examinations  with  credit.  The  Tae- 
ping  rebellion,  a great  upheaval  in  China,  which 
is  described  in  a separate  chapter  and  which  lasted 
from  1850  to  1864,  first  brought  him  into  notable 
prominence.  In  the  early  sixties  he  had  risen  to 
be  governor  of  the  province  of  Kiang-Su,  in  which 
Shanghai  is  situated,  and  it  was  there  that  the 
rebellion  reached  one  of  its  most  active  phases. 
He  was  the  directing  authority  in  the  movements 
which,  with  “Chinese”  Gordon  as  the  military 
leader,  resulted  in  the  final  overthrow  of  the  Tae- 
pings.  Without  detracting  in  any  way  from  the 
credit  due  to  Gordon  as  a soldier  and  a man,  it  is 
fair  to  Li  Hung  Chang  to  say  that  his  administra- 
tive genius  contributed  in  marked  degree  to  the 
final  success  of  the  imperial  cause.  He  even  took 
the  field  himself  at  one  time  and  showed  soldierly 
qualities  of  a high  order. 

In  1870  Li  was  promoted  to  be  viceroy  of 
Pechili,  the  metropolitan  province  of  China.  For 
24  years  he  remained  in  this  position,  becoming  the 
guiding  statesman  of  the  realm  and  holding  office 


Li  Hung  Chang. 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


123 


in  the  Grand  Secretariat  at  Pekin.  It  was  a criti- 
cal time  for  his  country.  Foreigners  were  pressing 
her  on  every  side,  demanding  concessions  and  seek- 
ing to  introduce  radical  innovations.  Li  yielded  to 
them  in  many  things,  adopting  some  of  their  ideas 
as  an  improvement,  but  guarding  the  venerated 
civilization  of  China  from  rude  shock  and  upheaval. 
A maxim  which  he  laid  down  was  : “ Let  us  use 
foreigners,  but  do  not  let  foreigners  use  us.”  He 
was  quick  to  see  the  advantages  of  railroads  and  so 
far  overcame  the  opposition  to  them  at  the  palace 
that  he  was  permitted  to  build  some  of  them  him- 
self He  established  telegraph  lines,  opened  and 
developed  coal  mines,  founded  academies  for  train- 
ing military  and  naval  officers,  constructed  arsenals 
and  fortifications,  and  bought  modern  warships. 
The  intense  conservatism  of  the  Chinese  system 
prevented  him  from  reorganizing  the  army  and 
navy  as  rapidly  and  successfully  as  Japan  did,  but 
he  accomplished  a great  deal  in  that  line. 

The  war  with  Japan  broke  his  power  tempo- 
rarily. The  palace  at  Pekin  expected  Li  to  win, 
though  it  had  blocked  some  of  his  most  practical 
plans  for  developing  the  empire’s  war  forces. 
When  Japan  began  to  gain  victories,  he  was  rapidly 
stripped  of  his  honors.  His  jacket  of  yellow,  the 
royal  color,  which  he  had  been  permitted  to  wear 
as  a great  mark  of  distinction,  was  taken  from  him, 
as  were  also  his  peacock  feather  and  other  decora- 


124 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


tions.  Finally  he  was  superseded  in  all  of  his 
offices  and  went  into  temporary  retirement. 

When  China  at  last  saw  that  Japan  had  won, 
Li  was  called  out  again  and  sent  to  negotiate  the 
treaty  of  peace.  China,  in  her  crisis,  could  not  do 
without  him.  Though  wounded  by  a would-be 
assassin  at  the  outset  of  his  negotiations,  he  recovered 
and  acted  as  China’s  representative  throughout  the 
framing  of  the  treaty,  the  crafty  Marquis  Ito  rep- 
resenting Japan.  These  two  intellects  were  a good 
match  when  pitted  against  each  other.  Li,  by  his 
diplomatic  finesse,  was  enabled  to  get  exceptionally 
good  terms  for  his  country,  but  the  concessions  he 
made  offended  Pekin’s  pride  and  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  treaty  he  was  again  sent  into  retirement. 
Foreign  representatives  at  Pekin  persuaded  the 
government  to  accept  the  treaty  as  the  best  arrange- 
ment that  could  be  made  under  the  circumstances. 
Li  remained  in  retirement  until  the  coronation 
of  the  Czar,  when  he  was  sent  to  St.  Petersburg 
as  China’s  representative.  He  made  a tour  of  the 
world,  visiting  the  United  States  in  1896  and  creat- 
ing great  interest  in  this  country.  Many  of  his 
witty  remarks  were  widely  quoted.  He  had  a great 
habit  of  asking  questions  and  gained  vastly  more 
information  than  he  gave  during  his  visit. 

A decade  ago  Li  was  considered  the  richest  man 
in  the  world,  but  it  is  said  that  some  of  the  South 
African  Croesuses  have  surpassed  him.  His  wealth 
has  been  estimated  as  high  as  $500,000,000,  but  he 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


125 


takes  good  care  not  to  let  even  the  approximate 
extent  of  it  be  authentically  known.  He  has  made 
part  of  it  in  railroads  and  mines,  and  for  years 
was  in  receipt  of  great  emoluments  from  the 
Pekin  government.  Extraordinary  natural  ability 
in  finance  has  enabled  him  to  make  his  money 
multiply  itself.  He  has  been  accused  of  receiving 
pay  from  foreign  governments  for  services  he 
rendered  them  as  a Chinese  oflScial,  but  this,  of 
course,  cannot  be  proven. 

Kang  Yu  Wei,  the  leading  reformer  of  China,  is 
in  many  respects  one  of  the  most  interesting  cliarac- 
ters  of  the  empire.  Though  born  of  humble  parents, 
his  unusual  intelligence  and  energy  won  him  the 
confidence  and  esteem  of  Emperor  Kuaug  Hsu.  It 
was  he  who  chiefly  encouraged  in  the  young  mon- 
arch the  dreams  of  reform.  He  even  persuaded  the 
emperor  to  issue  a series  of  radical  edicts,  establish- 
ing the  right  of  petition  and  the  freedom  of  the 
press.  In  cooperation  with  a Presbyterian  mis- 
sionary iu  Pekin,  he  published  a paper  called  Chinese 
Progress  which  was  the  avowed  advocate  of  an  era 
of  reform. 

We  have  already  seen  how  the  dowager  empress 
put  an  end  to  all  this  by  resuming  the  reins  of 
power.  One  cause  of  Kang  Yu  Wei’s  downfall 
was  his  enmity  to  Russia.  His  influence  is  said  to 
have  been  responsible  for  the  granting  of  Wei  Hai 
Wei  to  England  soon  after  Russia  leased  Port 
Arthur.  He  threw  himself  into  the  breach  in 


126 


FOUR  NOTABLE  CHARACTERS. 


opposition  to  many  Russian  plans,  and  the  enmity 
of  the  Czai-’s  representative  at  Pekin  contributed  in 
no  small  measure  to  his  undoing. 

When  the  dowager  resumed  power  in  1898, 
Kang  Yu  Wei  was  warned  by  the  young  emperor 
and  Sir  Claude  MacDonald,  the  British  Minister  at 
Pekin,  to  flee  for  his  life.  He  took  the  hint  and 
escaped  on  a ship  from  Tientsin  to  Hong  Kong, 
where  he  was  in  British  territory.  Both  there  and 
in  Japan,  to  which  country  he  went  later,  several 
attempts  were  made  upon  his  life  and  he  was  forced 
to  disguise  himself  with  a false  beard.  Taking  ship 
for  Vancouver,  B.  C.,  he  went  by  rail  to  Washing- 
ton and  then  took  a trip  to  some  of  the  capitals  of 
Europe,  carefully  avoiding  St.  Petersburg.  In 
October  last  he  returned  to  Japan  and  then  went  to 
Singapore,  where  he  was  in  July  of  the  present 
year.  Kang  Yu  Wei  hopes  that  a turn  of  the 
wheel  of  fate  will  yet  permit  him  to  return  to 
China  and  see  the  realization  of  his  dreams  of 
reform.  He  is  now  about  45  years  old. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


The  Era  of  Foreigk  Interference. 

HE  era  of  foieign  interfereuee  iu  China  may 


be  said  to  have  begun  with  the  so-called 
“ opium  war ’’ waged  by  the  English  iu  1839-42. 
Previous  to  that  time,  and  indeed,  until  1861,  all 
attempts  to  open  regular  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  emperors  ])roved  abortive.  When  Catherine  of 
Russia  sent  a mission  to  suggest  to  Emperor  Keen 
Lung  the  desirability  of  maintaining  a regular 
Russian  agent  at  Pekin  the  emperor  was  so 
affronted  that  he  refused  to  receive  the  envoy. 
China  had  no  desire  to  mix  in  the  affairs  of  the 
outside  world.  She  considered  that  within  the 
borders  of  the  empire  was  sufficient  for  her  and 
she  would  exact  from  Europe  and  America  the 
same  policy  of  non-interference  which  she  prac- 
ticed with  them. 

England  had  tried  with  indifferent  success  to 
open  intercourse  with  the  court  of  Pekin.  In 
1792  she  sent  out  the  notable  Macartney  mission, 
headed  by  Lord  Macartney,  a peer  of  consider- 
able tact  and  ability.  This  mission  was  received 
by  Keen  Lung  at  his  hunting  lodge  at  Jehol,  a 
small  town  north  of  the  Great  Wall.  Keen  Lung 


127 


128 


FOfiEIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


was  cordial  in  his  greeting,  but  could  be  drawn 
into  no  promises  regarding  future  concessions  to 
be  granted  to  England. 

Right  here  it  is  well  to  take  into  account  that 
the  first  foreigners  to  gain  a foothold  in  China 
were  missionaries.  The  first  of  these  missionaries 
were  a small  body  of  Jesuits  from  France,  who 
arrived  at  Pekin  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  These  poineers  were  especially 
selected  for  their  piety,  high  attainments  and  tact. 
Emperor  Kanghi,  who  was  then  on  the  throne, 
found  that  their  knowledge  of  astronomy  and 
natural  science  was  beyond  that  of  his  country’s 
sages.  He  agreed  that  they  should  remain  in  Pekin, 
seeing  in  their  learning  a means  of  improving 
his  own  empire,  but  he  compelled  them  to  promise 
that  they  would  never  return  to  Europe. 

For  many  years  these  Jesuits  were  denied  the 
privilege  of  publicly  practicing  their  religion. 
But  in  season  and  out  of  season,  with  equal  tact 
and  persistence,  they  continued  to  claim  this  boon. 
A.t  last,  in  1692,  the  tribunal  of  rites  at  Pekin 
gave  a decision  in  their  favor  which  has  passed 
into  history  as  the  great  charter  of  Christianity’s 
rights  in  China. 

Emperor  Kanghi  was  attracted  to  the  Jesuits  in 
no  small  degree  by  their  medicinal  skill.  Soon 
after  the  tribunal  of  rites  had  declared  that  Chris- 
tians might  publicly  practice  their  religion  in  China 
he  fell  ill,  and  the  Jesuits  saved  his  life  after  his 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


129 


own  doctors  had  given  up  all  hope.  As  a mark  of 
gratitude  the  emperor  presented  to  them  a site  for  a 
church  near  his  own  palace  and  a considerable  sum 
of  money  toward  the  cost  of  erecting  the  building. 

As  the  case  stood,  these  early  missionaries  were 
merely  enjoying  the  favor  of  an  enlightened  ruler  and 
the  mass  of  the  Chinese  people  was  strongly  averse 
to  any  spread  of  their  faith.  But  with  the  zeal  of 
apostles  the  Jesuits  worked  for  its  extension.  Even 
Kanghi  himself,  in  his  later  years,  took  alarm  at 
the  unexpected  success  of  the  propaganda  and  issued 
an  edict  putting  some  restrictions  on  it.  Neverthe- 
less the  new  faith  grew  steadily  and  with  the 
development  of  missionary  effort  by  the  Protestant 
churches  there  was  an  influx  of  these  advance  agents 
of  Christianity  to  China.  Unfortunately  the  mis- 
sionaries injured  their  own  cause  by  disagreeing 
among  themselves  owing  to  differences  in  dogma. 
But  the  new  faith  had  taken  root  too  firm  to  be 
uptorn. 

The  saying  that  “ the  trader  follows  the  mission- 
ary ” was  strikingly  exemplified.  Dutch,  English 
and  Portuguese  vessels  began  to  develop  a thriving 
trade  with  the  port  of  Canton  and  here  again  the 
suspicions  and  aversions  of  the  Chinese  were  aroused. 
Especially  was  the  idea  of  trade  by  sea  with  foreign 
nations  repugnant  to  the  Pekin  authorities.  They 
were  willing  to  consent  to  the  conduct  of  an  over- 
land trade  on  a limited  scale  with  Russia  and 
formally  acquiesced  in  such  an  arrangement  at  an 
9 


130 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


interview  with  an  envoy  sent  by  Peter  the  Great  in 
1719.  But  the  idea  of  a large  commerce  on  the 
seacoast  was  especially  dreaded  on  account  of  the 
fact  that  foreign  saliors,  more  reckless  and  per- 
haps less  scrupulous  than  the  caravan  leaders,  fre- 
quently disregarded  the  Chinese  regulations  imposed 
on  commerce  and  sought  to  terrorize  the  local  Chinese 
authorities. 

When  Emperor  Keen  Lung  ascended  the  throne 
in  1735  China  in  all  her  history  of  4300  years  had 
made  but  one  treaty  with  a foreign  power,  and  that 
with  Russia.  The  Russians,  semi-Asiatics  them- 
selves, have  always  understood  the  Chinese  better 
than  any  other  power.  A frontier  collision  had 
occurred  on  the  Amur  river,  but  it  soon  dwindled 
down  to  the  stage  of  negotiations,  the  governments 
of  St.  Petersburg  and  Pekin  having  been  friendly 
all  the  while.  In  1688  the  treaty  of  Nerchinsk — 
China’s  first  formal  agreement  with  any  foreign 
power — settled  the  whole  question,  the  Russians, 
with  characteristically  practical  pertinacity,  agreeing 
to  the  destruction  of  one  of  their  forts,  provided 
they  were  permitted  to  build  another  in  an  equally 
advantageous  location. 

It  was  in  1802  when  China  first  awoke  to  the 
real  designs  of  the  Europeans.  Macao,  an  important 
district  in  Southeastern  China,  had  been  held  by 
the  Portuguese  for  some  years,  being  rented  from 
the  Pekin  government  by  the  payment  of  an  annual 
sum.  The  Napoleonic  wars  plunged  all  Europe  into 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


131 


complications,  and  in  1802  an  English  squadron 
seized  Macao,  remaining  in  forcible  possession  of  it 
for  a year.  The  treaty  of  Amiens  provided  for  its 
restoration  to  Portugal ; but  six  years  later  the 
English  again  seized  it.  This  thoroughly  aroused 
the  Chinese.  They  saw  that  European  nations  had 
no  scruples  in  violating  China’s  territorial  rights 
when  it  served  their  own  purposes.  Strict  orders 
were  sent  from  Pekin  to  Canton  to  expel  the  for- 
eigners at  all  costs. 

The  British  government  here  became  responsible 
for  what  is  admitted  to  have  been  a serious  blunder. 
When  the  Chinese  in  1808  protested  against  the 
I’enewed  occupation  of  Macao,  Admiral  Drury,  the 
English  naval  commander  on  the  scene,  attempted 
to  act  in  a summary  manner.  He  said  he  would 
bring  the  Chinese  officials  at  Canton  to  their  senses, 
“ for  there  is  nothing  in  my  instructions  to  prevent 
me  from  going  to  war  with  the  Emperor  of  China.” 
So  he  started  to  sail  up  the  river  to  Canton  with 
the  avowed  intention  of  forcing  his  way  to  the  city. 
But  he  found  that  the  Chinese  had  assembled  a large 
fleet  of  war  junks,  and  had  planted  a formidable 
force  of  cannon  on  the  shore.  When  Drury  came 
in  sight  of  these  defenses  he  hesitated,  then  sent  a 
note  asking  a conference  with  the  mandarin,  which 
note  was  unanswered,  and  finally  he  beat  a retreat. 
His  conduct  was  doubly  unfortunate,  for  it  not  only 
strengthened  the  suspicions  of  tiie  Chinese  as  to 
European  intentions  but  also  gave  them  an  exag- 


132 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


gerated  belief  in  their  own  strength  against  the 
modern  nations. 

The  government  at  London  was  determined  to 
maintain  and  enlarge  an  opening  for  its  trade  in 
China.  A mission  to  Pekin  was  decided  upon,  and 
Lord  Amherst  was  sent.  He  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Peiho  river  in  1816.  Proceeding  to  Pekin, 
he  was  informed  immediately  upon  his  arrival,  after 
the  journey  of  78  miles  from  Tientsin,  that  the 
Emperor  would  see  him  at  once.  Instead  of  taking 
advantage  of  this  opportunity.  Lord  Amherst  sent 
word  that  he  was  not  then  prepared  for  the  inter- 
view, pleading  the  fatigue  of  his  party  and  the  delay 
in  the  arrival  of  their  uniforms  and  the  presents 
for  the  monarch.  The  Emperor,  in  a rage,  ordered 
that  Amherst  and  those  who  accompanied  him 
should  be  sent  back  to  the  coast  at  once.  Thus 
ignominiously  ended  the  British  mission  of  1816. 

China  serenely  pursued  her  own  course  until 
1834,  from  which  year  date  the  immediate  causes 
leading  up  to  the  opium  war.  Up  to  that  time 
British  trade  with  China  had  remained,  by  royal 
charter,  a monopoly  of  the  East  India  Company, 
but  now  the  government  at  London  took  the  trade 
into  its  own  hands.  The  East  India  Company 
understood  the  Chinese  better  than  the  political 
authorities  of  the  British  capital.  The  company 
had  made  mistakes,  but  had  managed  to  build  up 
a large  commerce  by  following  the  safe  policy  of 
complying  with  Chinese  methods  and  local  regula- 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


133 


tions.  London  was  determined  to  batter  down  the 
Chinese  barrier,  no  matter  what  the  cost.  And  we 
will  see  how  this  led  to  bloody  wars. 

In  1834  a royal  commission  was  gazetted,  appoint- 
ing Lord  Napier  chief  superintendent  of  trade  with 
China.  Lord  Napier  set  out  for  Canton  and  sent 
a letter  to  the  viceroy  announcing  his  arrival  in 
July  of  the  same  year.  The  letter  was  returned 
unopened,  it  being  held  that  Lord  Napier’s  busi- 
ness was  properly  with  the  Hoppo,  in  charge  of  the 
local  trade  and  customs  service.  Had  the  viceroy 
received  his  letter  it  would  have  given  him  a diplo- 
matic status.  Lord  Napier  was  advised  to  remain 
at  Macao  until  he  had  applied  in  the  prescribed 
form  for  permission  to  proceed  up  the  river.  He 
disregarded  these  intimations  and  boldly  went  to 
Canton  without  them,  only  to  find  himself  isolated 
in  the  English  factory  as  soon  as  he  had  landed. 
The  Chinese  declared  that  their  nation’s  dignity 
was  at  stake  and  all  intercourse  with  the  English 
was  prohibited. 

So  Napier  found  himself  in  the  attitude  of  break- 
ing off"  the  very  trade  with  China  which  it  was  his 
duty  to  promote.  He  remained  isolated  in  Canton, 
writing  frequent  letters  to  the  mandarins  defending 
his  own  course  and  protesting  against  theirs.  At 
last  the  English  traders,  suffering  in  pocket  from  the 
prohibition  enforced  against  them,  begged  Napier 
to  retire  from  Canton  to  Macao  so  that  commerce 
might  be  resumed.  Napier,  having  begun  his  career 


134 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


iu  China  aggressively,  ended  it  tamely.  He  yielded 
to  the  importunities  and  retired  to  Macao,  the 
Chinese  thus  being  enabled  to  claim  another  humili- 
ation for  the  English.  Soon  after  his  return  to 
Macao,  Napier,  who  had  long  been  in  ill  health, 
died. 

Once  more  trade  between  the  English  and  Chinese 
merchants  and  sailors  was  resumed.  The  Chinese 
gradually  forgot  Napier’s  conduct  and  in  1837 
Captain  Elliott,  who  had  been  appointed  the  new 
British  superintendent  of  trade,  received  authority 
to  proceed  to  Canton. 

The  importation  of  opium  from  India  by  British 
traders  had  grown  by  this  time  to  large  proportions 
and  the  Chinese  nation  was  suffering  from  its  effects. 
The  use  of  the  drug  assumed  the  proportions  of  a 
national  vice  and  the  government  at  Pekin  became 
alarmed.  In  its  opposition  to  the  opium  traffic  it 
had  the  practically  united  support  of  the  most 
intelligent  Chinese,  who  saw  in  the  increasing 
imports  a grave  national  danger.  The  board  of 
censors  at  Pekin  and  the  learned  men  of  the 
Hanlin  college  drew  up  a number  of  petitions  to 
the  throne  setting  forth  in  detail  their  reasons  for 
urging  an  absolute  prohibition  of  the  opium  traffic. 
Proclamations  were  issued  prohibiting  the  use  of 
opium  and  providing  severe  penalties.  Meanwhile 
the  British  continued  to  smuggle  the  drug  into  the 
country,  finding  the  traffic  extremely  profitable. 
Canton  was  the  chief  seaport  for  these  importations. 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


135 


In  January,  1839,  Emperor  Taoukuang,  who  had 
succeeded  Kiaklng  on  the  throne,  ordered  Lin 
Tsihsen,  viceroy  of  the  province  of  Houkuang,  to 
proceed  to  Canton  and  report  on  the  opium  traffic, 
with  suggestions  for  the  best  methods  of  stopping 
it.  Commissioner  Lin  was  instructed to  cut  off 
the  fountain  of  evil  and  if  necessary  for  the  attain- 
ment of  his  object,  to  sink  his  ships,  for  the  indig- 
nation of  the  great  emperor  has  been  fairly  aroused 
at  these  wicked  practices  (the  buying  and  selling  of 
opium)  and  the  hourly  thought  of  his  heart  is  to  do 
away  with  them  forever.” 

Serious  friction  ensued  with  Captain  Elliott  at 
Canton  and  he  made  a concession  by  publicly  warn- 
ing all  British  subjects  to  discontinue  the  illicit 
opium  trade,  also  declaring  that  his  government 
would  make  no  objection  if  the  Chinese  authorities 
should  seize  and  destroy  the  illicit  drug.  But  the 
importations  continued,  and  Commissioner  Lin 
finally  demanded  that  all  stores  of  opium  at  Canton 
be  delivered  to  him  within  twenty  days.  Chinese 
troops  surrounded  the  British  settlement  and  Cap- 
tain Elliott  called  upon  the  traders,  for  the  para- 
mount considerations  of  safety  to  their  lives  and 
property,  to  hand  over  their  opium.  More  than 
20,000  chests,  valued  at  $10,000,000,  were  delivered 
to  Commissioner  Lin,  who  destroyed  this  huge  stock 
of  the  crude  material  for  vice  and  then  wrote  a 
letter  to  Queen  Victoria  asking  her  to  interdict  the 
opium  trade  forever. 


136 


FOKEIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


The  destruction  of  the  opium  did  not  stop  the 
traffic.  Fresh  stocks  were  procured  and  smuggled 
to  the  Chinese.  Commissioner  Lin  became  threat- 
ening again  and  declared  that  he  would  expell  all 
the  English  from  Canton  if  necessary.  Captain 
Elliott  saw  that  a clash  was  approaching  and  asked 
his  home  government  for  protection. 

Fights  between  English  and  Chinese  in  the  streets 
of  Canton  became  frequent,  and  soon,  to  avoid  being 
made  the  victims  of  a popular  outbreak,  the  Eng- 
lish retired  to  Hong  Kong.  Everything  was  ripe 
for  hostilities  on  a large  scale.  Two  English  men- 
of-war  had  several  conflicts  with  forts  near  Canton, 
and  on  November  3,  1839,  they  engaged  in  battle 
with  a fleet  of  29  Chinese  junks  off  Chuenpee.  The 
Chinese  fought  with  desperate  bravery,  but  were 
defeated. 

A British  expedition  consisting  of  15  men-of-war 
and  4000  troops  on  transports  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Canton  river  in  June,  1840.  The  river  was 
blockaded  and  the  island  of  Chusan  was  seized  after 
a bloody  fight.  Abandoning  the  Canton  river  for  a 
time,  the  fleet  sailed  north  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Peiho  to  bear  a letter  from  Lord  Palmerston,  the 
English  premier,  to  the  Chinese  government  which, 
it  was  hoped,  would  result  in  a settlement  without 
further  bloodshed.  Lord  Palmerston’s  letter  was 
accepted  by  Keshen,  the  viceroy  of  Pechili,  and 
forwarded  to  Pekin.  Then  the  fleet  returned  to 
Canton. 


FOEEIGN  INTERFEEENCE. 


137 


Commissioner  Lin  had  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  the  Emperor  by  failing  to  make  a stronger  show- 
ing against  the  English  in  the  conflict  of  arms  and 
Keshen  was  sent  to  supersede  him  at  Canton.  No 
answer  to  Lord  Palmerston  being  received,  the 
English  proceeded  to  capture  all  the  outer  forts  of 
Canton,  killing  500  Chinese  and  sustaining  but 
slight  loss  themselves.  Keshen,  moved  by  this 
reverse,  signed  an  agreement  in  1841,  ceding  Hong 
Kong  to  the  English,  providing  for  the  payment  of 
an  indemnity  and  authorizing  the  British  govern- 
ment to  hold  official  communication  with  Pekin. 
This  displeased  the  Emperor  and  he  deposed 
Keshen,  sending  Eleang  to  supplant  him.  Eleang 
refused  to  ratify  the  agreement  made  with  Keshen 
and  the  war  was  resumed. 

The  English  bombarded  and  captured  the  inner 
forts  of  Canton  but  tbe  Chinese  collected  troops 
from  the  interior  and  made  a number  of  stands, 
suffering  defeat  in  every  case.  They  had  plenty  of 
bravery,  but  lacked  modern  weapons  and  drill. 
The  campaign  was  extended  to  Amoy,  Ningpo  and 
other  important  cities,  the  Chinese,  in  some  cases, 
killing  their  wives  and  children  and  afterwards 
committing  suicide  to  avoid  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  English.  Chapoo,  Shanghai  and  Chinkiang- 
foo  were  captured  in  succession. 

Emperor  Taoukuang  at  last  saw  the  hopelessness 
of  further  resistance  and  in  August,  1842,  the  treaty 
of  Nankin  was  signed.  It  was  agreed  that  the 


138 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


English  should  be  confirmed  in  the  possession  of 
Hong  Kong,  that  an  indemnity  of  $21,000,000  in- 
cluding the  price  of  the  destroyed  opium,  should  be 
paid  and  that  Canton,  Shangliai,  Kingpo,  Fuchau 
and  Amoy  should  be  open  for  trade.  Not  a word 
about  opium  was  said  in  the  treaty,  and  the  traffic 
was  resumed.  Sir  Henry  Potlinger,  who  conducted 
the  negotiations  on  behalf  of  England,  failed  to 
obtain  the  assent  of  the  Chinese  government  to  a 
legalization  of  the  traffic  and  he  refused  to  under- 
take the  responsibility  of  a preventive  service  in 
China. 

Friction  between  the  foreigners  and  Chinese  was 
by  no  means  ended.  The  increasing  demands  of 
the  Europeans  and  the  resentment  of  the  Chinese 
led  to  frequent  clashes  at  Canton,  which  were 
increased  by  the  efforts  of  the  English  to  obtain 
more  commercial  concessions  than  had  been  granted 
by  the  treaty  of  Nankin.  In  October,  1856,  an 
incident  at  Canton  precipitated  China’s  second  for- 
eign war.  This  incident  was  the  seizure  of  the  crew 
of  the  sailing  vessel  Arrow  in  Canton  harbor. 
The  boat  had  registered  in  the  British  office  at 
Hong  Kong  but  was  not  at  the  moment  entitled 
to  the  protection  of  the  British  flag,  through  the 
neglect  of  her  captain  to  renew  the  license.  The 
Chinese  seized  twelve  men  on  board  the  ship  on 
suspicion  that  they  were  connected  with  piracy. 
At  the  demand  of  the  British  consul,  nine  of  the 
men  were  released,  but  three  were  held,  one  as  the 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


139 


principal  and  the  other  two  as  important  witnesses 
of  the  ci’ime.  The  British  flag  which  flew  over  the 
boat  was  hauled  down  by  the  Chinese. 

With  but  slight  delay  war  was  begun  by  the 
British,  as  the  Chinese  refused  to  make  what  was 
considered  full  reparation  for  the  insult  to  the  Eng- 
lish flag.  The  Chinese  maintained  that  the  English 
were  merely  seeking  a pretext  for  war.  Sir  Michael 
Seymour,  with  a fleet,  attacked  the  forts  near  Canton 
and  dismantled  them.  The  city  itself  was  captured 
but  the  English  did  not  have  a force  large  enough 
to  occupy  it  effectively  and  abandoned  it.  When 
they  left,  the  Chinese  returned  and  took  revenge  by 
burning  the  foreign  settlement.  Sir  Michael  Sey- 
mour sent  a request  to  London  for  5000  troops  and 
these  were  promptly  sent.  Lord  Elgin  was  dis- 
patched as  special  envoy  to  present  to  the  Chinese 
government  the  demands  of  England,  which  were 
as  follows : 

(1)  Reparation  for  injuries  to  British  subjects. 

(2)  The  complete  enforcement  at  Canton  and  the 
other  treaty  ports  of  the  treaty  stipulations. 

(3)  Compensation  to  British  subjects  and  persons 
entitled  to  British  protection,  for  losses  incurred  in 
consequence  of  the  late  disturbances. 

(4)  The  assent  of  the  Chinese  government  to  the 
residence  at  Pekin,  or  to  the  occasional  visit  to  that 
capital,  at  the  option  of  the  British  government,  of 
a minister  duly  accredited  by  the  Queen  to  the 
Emperor  of  China,  and  recognition  of  the  right  of 


140 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


the  British  plenipotentiary  and  the  chief  British 
superintendent  of  Chinese  trade  to  communicate 
directly  in  writing  with  the  high  officers  at  the 
Chinese  capital. 

(5)  Revision  of  the  treaties  with  China  with  a 
view  to  obtaining  increased  facilities  for  commerce. 

Before  the  arrival  of  Lord  Elgin  there  was  a 
terrific  conflict  with  a Chinese  fleet  of  72  junks  on 
the  Canton  river,  sheltered  by  the  guns  of  shore 
fortiflcations.  Sir  Michael  Seymour  won  a brilliant 
success,  though  several  of  his  vessels  were  destroyed. 
His  loss  was  13  men  killed  and  40  wounded.  The 
Chinese  loss  was  much  heavier. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  Lord  Elgin  at  Hong 
Kong,  Baron  Gros,  representing  France,  went  to 
China  with  similar  demands.  France,  too,  wanted 
an  extension  of  trade  relations  with  China  by  sea 
and  she  sent  ships  and  men  to  co-operate  with  the 
English.  This  united  force  attacked  the  city  of 
Canton  by  storm  and  captured  it,  with  a loss  of  97 
men  to  the  English  and  34  to  the  French. 

Canton  being  once  more  in  foreign  possession,  it 
was  decided  that  Lord  Elgin  and  Baron  Gros 
should  go  to  Pekin  and  present  their  demands. 
The  allied  fleets  sailed  for  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho 
river  in  May,  1858,  and  summoned  the  commander 
of  the  Taku  forts  to  surrender.  No  reply  being 
received,  the  forts  were  attacked  and  captured.  The 
ambassadors  proceeded  up  the  river  to  Tientsin, 
which  they  made  their  temporary  headquarters. 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


141 


Commissioners  were  sent  from  Pekin  to  Tientsin 
to  treat  for  peace  and  an  agreement  was  drawn  up, 
but  this  appeared  to  be  only  a ruse  by  the  Chinese 
to  gain  time. 

In  the  negotiations  at  Tientsin  the  question  of 
the  opium  traffic — still  a tender  point  with  China 
— came  up.  It  was  agreed  that  opium  might  be 
imported  into  China  on  payment  of  a duty  equiv- 
alent to  about  $50  a chest.  Sir  Henry  Pottinger, 
who  had  been  as  actively  concerned  as  any  one  in 
the  controversies  with  China  on  this  subject,  said  : 

“ By  the  most  unbiased  and  careful  observations 
I have  become  convinced  during  my  stay  in  China 
that  the  alleged  demoralizing  and  debasing  evils  of 
opium  have  been  and  are  vastly  exaggerated.  Like 
all  other  indulgences,  excesses  in  its  use  are  bad  and 
reprehensible ; but  I have  neither  myself  seen  such 
vicious  consequences  as  are  frequently  ascribed  to 
it,  nor  have  I been  able  to  obtain  authentic  proof 
of  their  existence.  The  great  and  perhaps  I might 
say  sole  objection  to  the  trade,  looking  at  it  morally, 
is  that  it  is  at  present  contraband  and  prohibited 
by  the  laws  of  China  and  therefore  to  be  regretted 
and  disavowed.” 

Mr.  Frederick  Bruce,  a brother  of  Lord  Elgin, 
was  instructed  to  proceed  to  Pekin  and  exchange 
the  ratifications  of  the  treaty.  It  was  soon  found, 
however,  that  the  Chinese,  instead  of  looking  for- 
ward to  peace,  were  preparing  for  renewed  and  ener- 
getic resistance.  England  lost  no  time  in  acting, 


142 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


A fleet  under  Admiral  Hope  was  sent  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Peiho  and,  instead  of  flnding  the  way  open, 
the  river  was  barred  with  iron  stakes.  The  Taku 
forts  had  been  reoccupied  by  Chinese  troops,  and 
were  bristling  with  cannon. 

On  June  25,  1859,  another  attack  on  the  forts 
began.  It  was  this  battle  which  gave  to  the  world 
the  famous  phrase  “ Blood  is  thicker  than  water.” 
Admiral  Hope  was  attacking  the  forts  when  the 
tide  went  down  and  left  his  ships  helpless  in  the 
mud,  under  the  fire  of  the  Chinese  smoothbores. 

Captain  Tatnall,  the  flag  officer  commanding  the 
United  States  China  Squadron,  which  w'as  anchored 
ofiP  the  bar  nominally  guarding  American  interests, 
perceived  the  plight  of  the  British  Admiral.  Ex- 
claiming “ blood  is  thicker  than  water,”  he  lowered 
his  barge  and  with  his  flag  lieutenant  and  twenty 
men  rowed  up  the  river  to  show  the  Englishman 
how  to  point  his  guns.  The  flag  lieutenant,  Stephen 
Decatur  Trenchard,  was  badly  wounded,  and  one 
man  in  the  barge  was  killed  in  passing  through  the 
fire  from  the  forts.  Once  on  board,  however,  the 
British  guns  were  so  well  served  by  Americans  that 
the  forts  were  silenced  and  Tatnall  himself  piloted 
the  British  vessels  by  a channel  he  had  discovered 
until  they  found  protection  in  the  fleet  outside. 

The  attack  on  the  forts  was  a failure  and  the 
English  lost  300  killed  and  wounded.  Their  fleet 
returned  to  Hong  Kong  to  await  the  arrival  of  more 
ships  and  fresh  instructions  from  Europe. 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


143 


A plan  of  united  action  was  agreed  upon  in 
November,  1859,  between  France  and  England, 
and  another  expeditionary  force  was  sent  out.  Eng- 
land appointed  Sir  Hope  Grant  to  command  its 
land  forces  of  13,000  men,  and  France’s  troops, 
numbering  8,000,  were  commanded  by  General 
Montauban.  Admiral  Hope  was  retained  at  the 
head  of  the  English  fleet.  A renewed  attack  on 
the  Taku  forts  was  successful,  the  Chinese  fighting 
with  great  bravery  and  losing  at  least  500  killed. 
The  next  step  was  the  capture  of  Tientsin,  where 
the  Chinese  made  but  slight  resistance.  Then  fol- 
lowed a march  to  Pekin.  The  Chinese  gave  battle 
in  force  at  Chan-chia-wan,  but  were  defeated.  On 
October  13,  1860,  the  allies  entered  Pekin  and  the 
mutual  ratifications  of  the  treaty  of  Tientsin  fol- 
lowed. China  had  reached  the  end  of  her  resist- 
ance. 

Mr.  Bruce  was  given  charge  of  British  affairs  in 
Pekin  as  resident  minister  in  March,  1861,  and  thus 
for  the  first  time,  China  opened  regular  diplomatic 
relations  with  a foreign  country.  Other  nations 
than  England  sent  ministers  later,  and  the  perma- 
nent character  of  the  diplomatic  corps  at  the  capital 
was  established.  For  seven  years  China  refrained 
from  sending  any  ambassador  to  represent  her  at  a 
foreign  court.  The  increasing  need  of  this  became 
apparent  if  a diplomatic  corps  was  to  be  retained  at 
Pekin,  and  in  1868  Mr.  Anson  Burlingame,  who 
then  retired  as  United  States  minister  at  Pekin, 


144 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


accepted  an  appointment  as  the  accredited  repre- 
sentative of  the  Chinese  government  to  eleven  of  the 
principal  countries  of  the  world.  Mr.  Burlingame 
died  at  St.  Petersburg  in  1870,  and  then  the  present 
practice  of  sending  native  Chinese  diplomats  abroad 
was  begun. 

Still  another  step  was  taken  in  1862,  when  sev- 
eral British  subjects  were  appointed  to  assist  the 
Chinese  government  in  the  collection  of  customs 
dues  at  the  treaty  ports.  In  the  following  year  Sir 
Robert  Hart  was  appointed  Chinese  imperial  director 
of  maritime  customs,  and  he  still  holds  that  office, 
being  one  of  the  chief  financial  officers  of  China. 

French  aggressions  in  Tonkin,  over  which  country 
China  exercised  suzerainty,  led  to  a brief  war  be- 
tween France  and  China  in  1883,  and  there  was  also 
trouble  with  Russia  in  fixing  the  frontiers  of  Cen- 
tral Asia.  These  difficulties  were  such  as  any  nation 
might  have,  and  did  not  result  in  any  radical  change 
in  Chinese  policy.  They  served,  however,  to  show 
that  the  territorial  aggressiveness  of  the  European 
powers  was  not  to  abate. 

The  war  with  Japan,  in  1894-95,  is  described  in 
a separate  chapter.  More  than  any  other  conflict 
in  which  China  has  been  engaged  it  was  marked  by 
events  ominous  to  the  future  integrity  of  the  empire. 

The  “ sphere  of  influence  ” theory  comes  now  to 
be  considered.  France,  by  reason  of  contiguous 
interests,  claims  a preponderance  or  “sphere”  in 
Southern  China,  the  region  bordering  on  Tonkin 
and  Anam.  England  presents  the  same  claim  to 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE. 


145 


the  fertile  valley  of  the  Yangtzekiang,  where  her 
iinraense  trade  interests  in  China  are  chiefly  situated. 
Germany  claims  the  province  of  Shantung,  south- 
east of  Pekin,  with  perhaps  part  of  the  territory 
west  of  Shantung.  Russia  claims  North  China, 
including  Manchuria  and  Mongolia. 

Up  to  1899,  England’s  sphere  of  influence  was 
not  recognized  by  Russia  nor  Russia’s  by  England. 
On  April  28  of  that  year  the  two  governments 
entered  into  an  arrangement  on  this  point.  They 
declared  that  they  were  animated  by  a sincere  desire 
to  avoid  in  China  every  cause  of  conflict,  and  that, 
taking  into  consideration  the  economic  and  geo- 
graphical position  of  certain  parts  of  the  empire,  they 
entered  into  the  following  arrangement : Russia 
was  not  to  demand  railway  concessions  in  the  basin 
of  the  Yangtzekiang  and  was  not  to  oppose  any 
demands  made  by  England  for  concessions  in  that 
region.  England,  on  her  part,  made  the  same 
engagement  in  regard  to  the  portion  of  China  lying 
north  of  the  great  wall.  An  assurance  was  given 
that  the  two  powers  had  no  intention  of  encroaching 
upon  the  sovereign  rights  of  China,  but  of  course 
this  “intention”  is  subject  to  change. 

The  seizure  of  Port  Arthur  and  Talienwan  by 
Russia,  of  Wei  Hai  Wei  by  England  and  of 
Kiaochau  by  Germany,  together  with  the  Italian 
demand  for  San  Mun  Bay,  are  described  in  the 
chapter  on  the  w'ar  with  Japan,  of  which  conflict 
they  were  practically  direct  outgrowths. 

10 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


History  of  China  at  a Glance. 

CHINA’S  history,  as  all  the  world  knows,  is  a 
long  one,  and  it  has  also  been  a glorious  one. 
The  country  has  had  its  internal  commotions,  its 
periods  of  good  or  bad  government,  its  epochs  of 
industrial  depression  and  religious  excitement.  But 
it  is  doubtful  if  any  European  nation,  balancing 
the  account  as  a whole,  has  been  able  to  accomplish 
so  much  as  China  has  done  in  the  way  of  peace, 
comfort,  security  and  material  development  for  a 
large  population. 

Comparatively  few  of  China’s  rulers  have  been 
cruel  and  arbitrary.  As  there  is  no  hereditary 
class  distinction,  the  exploitation  of  one  element  of 
the  population  by  another  has  been  reduced  to  the 
lowest  limits.  Many  of  the  emperors  have  been 
practical  philanthropists  and,  burdened  by  a sense 
of  humility  inspired  by  their  exalted  office,  have 
striven  by  every  means  in  their  power  to  elevate 
and  protect  their  people.  Though  the  Chinaman 
has  all  the  qualifications  of  a soldier,  he  prefers 
peace  to  war  and  his  progress  has  been  chiefly  along 
the  line  of  industrial  and  literary  effort.  For  this 
reason  a population  now  estimated  at  400,000,000 
146 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


147 


is  maintained  in  a normally  healthy  economic  state, 
with  food,  raiment,  culture  aud  promotion  to  the 
highest  positions  in  reach  of  the  humblest  who  may 
strive  for  them. 

The  usual  date  given  for  the  beginning  of  China’s 
history  as  a nation  is  about  2500  B.  C.  Today  we 
have  the  strange  spectacle  of  a people  speaking  the 
same  language  aud  observing  to  a large  extent  the 
.same  social  and  political  customs  as  they  did  when 
they  were  contemporary  with  the  Assyrians,  the 
Egyptians  and  the  Jews.  Western  Asia  has  under- 
gone repeatedly  the  shock  of  transformation  as  the 
varying  fortunes  of  the  Assyrians,  the  Babylonians, 
the  Persians,  the  Greeks,  the  Romans  and  the  hosts 
of  Islam  have  risen  or  fallen.  Through  it  all 
China  has  stood,  firm  in  the  fixidit}”^  of  her  national 
aspirations  and  preserving  the  homogeneous  and 
continuous  character  of  her  race. 

The  cradle  of  the  Chinese  nation  is  placed  by 
tradition  on  the  banks  of  the  Hoaugho  or  Yellow 
river,  near  the  northern  part  of  its  course,  in  what 
is  now  the  province  of  Shen-Si.  Here,  about 
2500  B.  C.,  ruled  the  Emperor  Hwaug-ti,  who  is 
credited  with  having  given  the  country  its  first 
regular  institutions,  the  people  having  previously 
been  nomads.  On  this  site  was  formed  the  first 
group  of  communities  which  became,  through  grad- 
ual extension,  the  Chinese  Empire.  The  germ  of 
civilization  radiated  north,  south,  east  and  west, 
spreading  from  the  banks  of  the  Hoangho. 


148 


HISTORY  OF  CHIXA. 


Roughly  grouping  Chinese  history  into  two 
periods,  one  of  them  may  be  described  as  extending 
from  2500  B.  C.  to  221  B.  C.,  and  the  other  from 
the  latter  date  to  the  present  time.  The  first  was  a 
period  of  formation  of  national  consolidation  into 
the  unit  which  became  the  Empire.  The  other  has 
been  the  period  of  development,  of  continuous 
though  conservative  evolution. 

The  two  periods  were  separated  by  the  reign  of 
Emperor  Tsin  Chi  Hwang-ti,  a remarkable  states- 
man and  soldier  who  welded  into  a firm  mass  what 
had  hitherto  been  a loosely  connected  baud  of  states 
or  provinces.  Another  important  stage  was  the 
time  of  Confucius,  the  great  Chinese  philosopher, 
about  500  B.  C.  It  was  Confucius  who  constructed 
a system  of  philosophy  systematizing  the  Chinese 
civilization  and  laying  the  foundation  for  the  class 
of  literati  who  have  since  been  so  potent  in  the 
history  of  the  nation.  The  leaven  of  Confucius’ 
work  was  vigorously  active  when  Tsin  Chi  Hwang- 
ti  succeeded  to  the  throne  in  221  B.  C.  Everything 
was  ripe  for  the  moulding  of  Chinese  institutions 
into  a definite  political  system.  Tsin  Chi  Hwang-ti 
was  the  man  for  the  work.  He  belonged  to  the 
dynasty  of  the  Tsin,  one  of  the  eight  ruling  families 
among  whom  the  government  of  the  country  was  at 
that  time  divided.  Tsin  Chi  Hwang-ti  conquered 
all  the  other  kingdoms  and  combined  them  under 
his  own  rule.  These  kingdoms,  though  then  for 
the  first  time  reduced  to  one  political  sway,  had 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


149 


already  been  one  in  civilization.  Their  peoples 
were  all  Chinese,  who  felt  a common  bond  of  race 
and  aspirations.  Tsin  Chi  Hwang-ti  went  a step 
further  and  extended  his  dominion  as  far  south  as 
Tonkin.  In  his  conquests  he  thus  added  to  the 
empire  some  peoples  who  were  not  Chinese,  but  the 
influence  of  the  superior  civilization  soon  bound 
them  firmly  to  the  dominant  race. 

The  same  powerful  emperor  also  drove  back  the 
Tartars,  who  constantly  menaced  China  on  the 
north.  He  it  was  who  built  the  great  wall,  a tre- 
mendous engineering  work,  for  the  purpose  of  keep- 
ing ofiP  the  Tartars.  This  huge  structure,  however, 
has  never  been  an  efficient  means  of  defense,  for 
since  its  erection  China  has  been  twice  overrun  by 
the  Mongols  and  Manchus,  both  of  whom  have  in 
turn  been  conquered  by  Chinese  civilization  even 
more  powerfully  than  by  force  of  arms. 

Between  Tsin  Chi  Hwang-ti  and  the  powerful 
literary  class  founded  by  Confucius  there  sprang  up 
a decided  antagonism.  His  strong  infusion  of  the 
military  element  in  China  was  rejmgnanl  to  them, 
as  tending  to  subvert  the  permanent  paternal  and 
benevolent  character  which  they  desired  the  empe- 
rors to  possess.  The  monarch,  who  never  did  things 
by  halves,  finally  resorted  to  a measure  of  extreme 
violence.  He  ordered  the  destruction  of  all  books, 
especially  the  ancient  works  so  venerated  by  the 
literati  and  the  people.  The  literati  hid  some  of  the 
books,  and  thus,  while  a considerable  number  of 


150 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


these  invaluable  works  were  preserved,  the  power 
of  the  literati  was  temporarily  broken. 

From  200  B.  C.  to  our  own  time  there  have  been 
a large  number  of  dynasties  in  China,  whose  rule 
has  occasionally  been  broken  by  periods  of  anarchy. 
The  six  principal  dynasties  have  been  as  follows  : 

The  Han,  from  202  B.  C.  to  263  A.  D. 

The  Tang,  from  618  to  905. 

The  Sung,  from  960  to  1119. 

The  Yuen  or  ISIongols,  from  1295  to  1341. 

The  King,  from  1368  to  1573. 

The  Manchus,  or  Ta  Tsiug,  from  1616  to  the 
present  time. 

Between  the  Han  and  the  Tang  dynasties,  and 
also  between  the  Sung  and  the  Yuen,  it  will  be 
noticed,  long  intervals  occurred.  These  were  marked 
by  a political  breaking  uj)  of  China  but  the  cen- 
trifugal forces  were  not  sufficient  to  keep  the 
Kingdom  divided  and  long  periods  of  cohesion 
Ibllowed.  This  cohesion  was  brought  about  by 
the  unity  so  firmly  inculcated  by  Tsin  Chi 
Hwang-ti  and  by  the  basic  similarity  of  manners 
and  beliefs,  so  systematically  represented  by  the 
literati. 

Hwei  Ta,  the  second  emperor  of  tlie  Han 
dynasty,  who  reigned  from  194  to  187  B.  C., 
revoked  the  decree  against  books,  thus  restoring 
the  literati  to  full  power.  The  work  of  this 
dynasty  was  in  conserving  and  strengthening  the 
foundations  of  Chinese  progress.  One  of  its 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


151 


emperors,  Wen  Ti,  realized  the  noble  ideal  of  a 
ruler  which  Confucius  had  formed.  He  governed 
his  people  as  a father  and  promoted  agriculture 
and  education  by  many  wise  laws.  His  character 
is  shown  by  tlie  following  edict  published  on  the 
occasion  of  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  : 

“I  have  always  heard  that  heaven  gives  to  the  people  it 
produces  superiors  to  nourish  and  govern  them.  When  these 
superiors,  masters  of  other  men,  are  without  virtue  and  govern 
badly,  Heaven,  to  make  them  enter  the  path  of  duty,  sends  or 
threatens  them  with  calamities.  In  this  eleventh  month  there 
has  been  an  eclipse  of  the  sun.  What  a warning  that  is  to  me  I 
On  high,  the  stars  lose  their  light ; below,  our  people  are  in 
misery.  I recognize  in  all  this  my  deficiency  in  virtue.  Imme- 
diately on  the  publication  of  this  declaration  let  there  be  an 
investigation  with  all  possible  attention  throughout  the  empire 
as  to  what  my  faults  are  in  order  that  I may  be  warned  of  them. 
To  this  end  let  the  most  enligthened,  righteous  and  firm  per- 
sons be  sought  for  and  presented  to  me.  On  my  part,  I recom- 
mend all  those  who  are  in  charge  to  apply  themselves  more 
closely  than  ever  to  fulfilling  their  duties  and  in  particular  to 
retrench  all  useless  expenditure,  that  the  people  may  profit 
thereby.” 

This  was  an  establishment  of  the  right  of  memo- 
rializing the  emperor,  maintained  with  but  slight 
intermissions  to  this  day.  It  was  afterward  devel- 
oped by  the  institution  of  a board  or  council  of 
censors  at  Pekin,  whose  duty  it  is  to  warn  the 
emperor.  The  observations  of  these  censors  are 
published  in  the  Imperial  Gazette  and  reproduced 
in  the  gazettes  of  the  provinces. 

Under  Wu  Tai,  who  reigned  from  140  to  86 
B.  C.,  wars  were  undertaken  which  crushed  the 


152 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


power  of  the  surroundiug  nations  that  threatened 
China.  This  was  the  first  step  toward  the  exten- 
sion of  the  empire  later,  when  Tartary  and  Tibet 
were  added  to  it.  Wu  Tai  was  deeply  interested  in 
Chinese  history  and  gave  a great  impetus  to  the 
study  of  it.  In  his  reign  Sze-ma  Tsien,  who  has 
been  called  ‘‘the  Herodotus  of  China,”  compiled 
his  great  work,  “ Historical  Records,”  which  has 
been  the  basis  of  much  modern  research.  Under 
the  Han  dynasty  the  Buddhist  religion  was  intro- 
duced into  China. 

The  Tang  dynasty,  which  succeeded  to  the  throue, 
was  a succession  of  literary  rulers  under  whom  edu- 
cation and  civilization  made  rapid  progress.  It  was 
while  this  dynasty  was  in  power  that  the  Chinese 
system  of  civil  service  examinations  for  office  was 
established. 

Tai  Tsung,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  627  A.  D., 
was  another  emperor  who  strove  to  realize  the  ideal 
of  Confucius.  He  decreed  that  from  that  time  forth 
the  empei'ors,  before  confirming  sentence  of  death 
passed  upon  criminals,  should  fast  three  days.  The 
punishment  of  death  was  to  be  inflicted  only  with 
the  sanction  of  the  monarch,  except  in  cases  of  neces- 
sity for  immediate  repression.  Tai  Tsung  wrote  a 
book  upon  the  art  of  governing. 

“ After  I have  given  each  day,”  he  said,  “ the 
necessary  time  to  transacting  affairs  of  state,  I make 
it  my  pleasure  to  project  my  views  and  thoughts 
over  the  histories  of  the  past.  I examine  what 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


153 


were  the  manners  of  each  dynasty,  the  good  and 
had  examples  of  all  the  princes,  the  revolutions  and 
their  causes,  and  always  do  so  with  advantage.” 

To  his  son  he  gave  this  advice : 

“ My  son,  be  just,  be  good ; reign  over  yourself, 
have  absolute  sway  over  your  passions  and  you 
shall  reign  without  difficulty  over  the  hearts  of 
your  subjects.  Your  good  example,  far  more  than 
your  most  rigorous  orders,  will  make  them  fulfil 
their  duties  with  all  the  more  exactitude.  Punish 
seldom  and  with  moderation ; but  scatter  benefits 
with  full  hands.  Never  put  off  until  the  morrow 
a favor  which  you  can  confer  the  same  day.  Post- 
pone, on  the  other  h ind,  chastisement  until  you 
have  assured  yourself  that  it  is  deserved.” 

The  famous  Chinese  academy  or  college,  the 
Hanlin,  was  established  under  the  Tang  dynasty. 
It  is  a body  of  the  most  cultivated  and  intelligent 
men  in  China  and  has  a part  in  the  educational, 
moral  and  political  direction  of  the  empire.  The 
Tangs  included  warriors  as  well  as  statesmen  and 
they  made  their  power  felt  as  far  west  as  the  Cas- 
pian sea. 

The  Tsung  dynasty  which  next  came  into  power, 
extended  the  system  of  competitive  .service  exam- 
inations to  the  army. 

The  Mongol  dynasty  governed  only  88  years  and 
during  this  time  it  furnished  eight  emperors.  It 
had  conquered  China  at  a time  when  the  empire 
was  divided.  The  Mongol  rulers  did  not  govern 


154 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


as  aliens.  They  became  Chinese  themselves,  main- 
taining the  greatness  of  the  empire  and  thoroughly 
identifying  themselves  with  it.  It  was  Kublai 
Khan,  known  in  Chinese  as  Chitson  or  Hu-pl-lieh, 
who  made  Pekin  the  capital  of  the  empire.  Under 
his  reign  an  additional  religion  was  introduced  in 
the  empire  in  the  form  of  Lamaism,  an  importation 
from  Tibet.  The  later  line  of  the  Mongol  dynasty 
deteriorated  and  the  Chinese  drove  it  out,  the  native 
dynasty  of  the  Mings  succeeding  it.  These  reigned 
from  1368  to  1616,  when  the  present  dynasty  of 
Manchus  rose  to  the  throne. 

The  first  emperor  of  the  Ming  dynasty,  known 
as  Hung  Wu,  was  born  in  1837,  the  son  of  a laborer. 
He  became  a Buddhist  monk  but  left  the  cloister  to 
become  a soldier  and  raised  a great  army,  by  means 
of  which  he  expelled  the  Mongols  and  assumed  the 
supreme  power.  He  ruled  wisely  and  well,  pro- 
moting useful  public  wo^’ks,  founding  plans  for  the 
relief  of  the  aged  and  infirm,  and  extending  the 
practices  of  religion.  But,  though  the  early  rulers 
of  the  Mings  measured  up  to  a high  standard,  the 
later  ones  deteriorated  through  their  long  lease  of 
power.  The  Manchus  came  upon  the  scene  as  con- 
querors and  the  last  of  the  Chinese  dynasties  was 
established  in  1616. 

This  dynasty  is  of  particular  interest  to  modern 
readers  because  it  is  now  in  control  of  China.  On 
the  whole  it  is  a strong  race  which  has  contributed 
many  able  rulers,  though  it  has  often  pursued  a 


HISTORY  OF  CHINA. 


155 


policy  of  selfishness  in  maintaining  the  Manchus  as 
the  nearest  approach  to  a ruling  class  which  the 
Chinese  system  peraiits.  Especially  have  its  sol- 
diers been  drawn  from  Manchuria,  including  the 
garrisons  of  the  most  important  cities.  The  Manchu 
emperors  have  made  a practice  of  taking  only  Man- 
chus  for  wives,  preserving  a pure  race-stock  from 
China’s  northernmost  province  in  control  of  the 
imperial  power. 

One  of  the  best  known  of  the  Manchu  emperors 
was  Kanghi,  who  ruled  from  1662  to  1723  and  was 
contemporary  with  Louis  XIV  of  France.  He 
encouraged  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  who  entered 
China  for  the  first  time  during  his  reign.  Kanghi 
was  an  enlightened  ruler  of  decieled  ability,  and 
under  him  Chinese  prestige  took  a great  step  for- 
ward. He  was  both  a man  of  peace  and  a man  of 
war,  and  his  political  sagacity  left  a long-enduring 
impress  upon  the  empire. 

Under  Emperor  Keen  Lung  the  subjection  of 
Tartary  was  effected,  and  the  submission  of  Tibet 
was  definitely  secured. 

The  last  century  of  the  Manchu  dynasty  has  had 
as  its  most  notable  development  the  breaking  down 
of  the  barriers  against  foreigners  and  the  extension 
of  foreign  influence  over  the  empire  itself.  It  has 
also  been  marked  by  the  Taeping  rebellion.  Each 
of  these  stages  of  Chinese  history  is  treated  of  in 
a separate  chapter. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


The  Great  Taeping  Rebellion. 

HE  Taeping  rebellion,  which  lasted  from  1850 


to  1864,  was  one  of  the  greatest  uprisings 
which  ever  occurred  iu  China,  bearing  in  this 
respect  an  analogy  to  the  war  of  the  Boxers.  It 
spread  to  within  less  than  a hundred  miles  of 
Pekin,  overrunning  the  southern  part  of  the  empire 
and  forcing  the  Manchii  dynasty  to  fight  for  its  life. 
The  outbreak  was  suppressed  by  a young  English 
major  of  engineers — Charles  Gordon — who  was 
thereafter  to  be  known  in  history  as  “ Chinese  ” 
Gordon.  For  this  remarkable  man’s  services  China 
was  profoundly  grateful.  The  Pekin  government 
oflfered  him  lands,  titles  and  large  sums  of  money, 
but  with  characteristic  modesty  he  declined  them 
all.  He  said  : “ I shall  go  back  to  England  as 
poor  as  when  I left  it.”  And  in  truth  he  did. 
Years  afterward  he  was  to  die  in  the  Soudan,  a 
victim  of  the  Mahdists’  fury  in  the  last  city  on  the 
upper  banks  of  the  Nile  in  which  the  English 
made  a stand  against  them.  The  sad  circumstances 
of  his  fate  gave  him  a name — Gordon  of  Khartoum — 
which  marks  even  a more  notable  period  of  his 
career  than  the  time  he  spent  in  China. 


156 


THE  TAEPING  REBELLION. 


157 


As  in  the  Soudan,  so  in  China,  Gordon  was  pitted 
against  an  insurgent  leader  who  claimed  a super- 
natural religious  character.  This  was  Hung  su 
Tseuen,  or,  as  he  is  better  known  by  the  name  he 
took  afterward,  Tien  Wang,  founder  and  leader  of 
the  Taepings.  Tien  Wang  was  born  in  1813,  the 
son  of  a small  farmer  near  Canton,  and  was  a 
hakka — a member  of  a race  of  tramps  correspond- 
ing somewhat  to  our  gypsies.  The  hakkas  were 
much  despised  in  China  and  so  Tien  Wang  came 
from  decidedly  humble  origin.  But  from  an  early 
age  he  showed  great  brightness  of  mind.  He  studied 
hard  and  attempted  to  pass  the  civil  service  examina- 
tions but  failed  to  attain  office  owing,  it  was  charged, 
to  favoritism  and  prejudice. 

Having  heard  a Protestant  missionary  preach  in 
the  streets  of  Canton,  he  listened  carefully  and  took 
home  with  him  a book  called  “Good  Words  for 
Exhorting  the  Age.”  This  w'ork  consisted  of  ser- 
mons and  essays  by  a Chinese  convert.  Tien  Wang 
studied  it  carefully  and  imbibed  many  points  of 
Christian  doctrine  which  were  afterward  to  form  a 
part  in  the  religious  system  which  he  taught  to 
millions  of  followers.  He  also  spent  some  time  in  a 
Buddhist  monastery,  studying  that  faith  as  carefully 
as  his  opportunities  allowed. 

During  a period  of  40  days  it  was  declared  that 
he  had  visions  and  received  from  heaven  a com- 
mand to  destroy  the  idols  which  were  worshipped 
in  China.  After  the  time  had  expired,  he  assumed 


158 


THE  TAEPING  REBELLION. 


a grave  and  superior  demeanor  and  began  to  preach 
his  doctrine.  He  said  he  had  been  divinely  appointed 
to  restore  the  world  to  the  worship  of  the  true  God, 
that  he  was  a son  of  God  and  that  Jesus  was  his 
elder  brother.  He  enjoined  upon  his  converts  to 
renounce  the  worship  of  Confucius  and  give  up  all 
idols.  At  intervals  he  fell  into  trances,  in  which, 
he  said,  he  had  interviews  with  God.  The  deity, 
he  also  said,  had  given  him  a seal  and  a sword. 
He  proclaimed  himself  a saviour  of  China  from  sin 
and  disease. 

Travelling  among  the  cities  and  towns  of  lower 
China,  Tien  Wang  made  many  converts.  Until 
1850  his  movement  was  purely  religious,  but  in 
that  year  it  assumed  a political  phase.  The  leader 
declared  that  he  had  a mission  to  take  the  throne  of 
China  and  proposed  to  drive  out  the  Manchus.  He 
nominated  five  of  his  principal  apostles  or  lieuten- 
ants as  Wangs  or  soldier  sub-kings,  calling  them 
northern,  southern,  eastern,  western,  and  assistant 
Wangs  respectively. 

The  name  Taepings  now  became  commonly 
applied  to  the  followers  of  Tien  Wang.  Taepiug 
was  the  name  of  a small  town,  in  the  province  of 
Kuang-Si,  where  the  rebel  movement  began.  The 
word  means  “ universal  peace”  and  it  was  said  that 
this  was  the  name  of  the  dynasty  which  Tien  Wang 
proposed  to  found. 

The  movement  was  carried  on  in  the  name  of 
religion  and  attracted  considerable  sympathy  in 


THE  TAEPING  EEBELLION, 


159 


America  and  Europe.  Reports  went  forth  that  its 
leader  had  received  his  inspiration  from  the  Chris- 
tian missionaries  and  his  cause  was  looked  upon  by 
thousands  of  Christians  as  a good  one.  In  Eng- 
land prayers  were  even  otfered  for  his  success. 
Later,  when  the  Taepiugs  began  to  commit  many 
excesses,  murdering  and  pillaging,  this  sympathy 
turned  from  them. 

After  overrunning  a considerable  section  of  the 
country  at  the  outset,  Tien  Wang  attacked  the  city 
of  Kueiling.  He  was  repulsed  but  this  did  not 
diminish  the  ardor  of  his  followers,  animated,  as 
they  were,  by  religious  zeal.  Sweeping  across  the 
vast  province  of  Hu-nan,  they  attacked  the  pro- 
vincial capital,  Changsha,  and  met  another  repulse. 
Without  artillery  and  unversed  in  the  science  of 
war,  Tien  Wang’s  followers  were  not  equipped  to 
attack  cities  under  favorable  circumstances.  After 
besieging  Changsha  80  days,  the  attempt  to  starve 
it  out  was  given  up  and  the  Taepings  swung  north- 
ward again. 

The  imperial  garrison  of  Yochau  fled  at  their 
approach  and  in  the  arsenal  there  the  Taepings 
made  a highly  important  capture  of  arras  and 
ammunition.  Equipping  themselves  with  these, 
they  attacked  the  great  city  of  Hankau,  which 
surrendered  without  a blow.  The  city  of  Hanyang, 
which  with  Hankau  and  Yochau  forms  the  great- 
est industrial  beehive  of  central  China,  likewise 


160 


THE  TAEPING  REBELLION. 


surrendered  and  the  Taepings  felt  that  their  cause 
was  in  truth  favored  of  heaven. 

In  March,  1853,  they  advanced  to  the  great  city 
of  Nanking,  and  after  a faint-hearted  resistance  by 
the  Manchu  garrison  it,  too,  surrendered.  Here  the 
seat  of  the  Taeping  power  was  established  as  a pre- 
liminary to  the  capture  of  Pekin,  but  as  Pekin  never 
fell  into  their  hands  they  continued  to  use  Nanking 
as  the  revolutionary  capital.  At  the  capture  of 
Nanking  many  Manchus  who  surrendered  were  ruth- 
lessly put  to  the  sword,  their  number  having  been 
estimated  by  reliable  chroniclers  as  high  as  20,000. 

Hienfung  was  on  the  throne  at  Pekin,  and  Tien 
Wang,  as  the  leader  of  the  Taepings,  was  now  a for- 
midable rival  of  his  power.  In  1853,  a Taeping 
army  of  80,000  men  was  collected  at  Nanking,  and  a 
large  part  of  it  was  sent  north  to  attack  Pekin. 
Several  fortified  cities  on  the  way  successfully  re- 
sisted attack,  but,  as  had  been  the  case  in  the  south 
of  China,  the  rebels  easily  overran  the  open  country 
and  attracted  large  numbers  of  converts  among  the 
people.  Crossing  the  Hoangho  they  encountered  a 
Manchu  army  in  Lin  Limming  Pass  and  entered 
the  province  of  Pechili  in  September,  1853.  Such 
consternation  had  been  created  by  their  victory  at 
Lin  Limming  that  no  town  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  province  dared  to  oppose  them.  They  finally 
reached  Tsing,  only  20  miles  south  of  Tienstin  and 
less  than  a hundred  miles  from  the  capital.  This 


THE  TAEPING  REBELLION. 


161 


was  the  high-water  mark  of  the  Taeping  rebellion. 
It  never  got  any  closer  to  Pekin. 

The  emperor  was  now  fully  alarmed.  He  sent  in 
haste  for  Mongol  levies,  and  a powerful  chief,  San- 
kolinsin,  was  to  lead  them.  Had  the  Taepings 
pressed  on  promptly  they  might  have  captured 
Pekin  without  much  hard  fighting.  But  a fatal 
indecision  seized  them  and  they  remained  at  Tsing 
until  the  Mongols  had  time  to  arrive  in  front  of 
their  position.  Saukolinsiu  defeated  them  in  the 
open  field,  and  then  they  retired  to  their  fortified 
camp  at  Tsing,  sending  to  Nanking,  their  capital,  for 
help.  Relief  came  in  time  to  save  them  from  the 
fate  which  threatened  them — utter  extermination — 
but  the  reinforcements  could  not  stem  the  tide. 
Sankolinsin  kept  pressing  back  the  rebels  until,  in 
1855,  he  had  driven  them  completely  from  the 
provinces  of  Pechili  and  Shantung.  Only  a small 
part  of  the  two  armies  which  had  been  sent  north  to 
capture  Pekin  ever  returned  to  Nanking. 

Chung  Wang,  one  of  the  Taeping  leaders,  suc- 
ceded  in  breathing  fresh  life  into  the  cause  by  several 
distinct  successes  against  the  imperial  troops.  At 
the  same  time,  the  movement  spread  to  the  coast 
cities.  This  was  fatal  to  it,  for  on  the  coast  it  en- 
countered the  foreigners,  who,  being  thus  disturbed, 
resorted  to  measures  which  finally  ended  in  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion. 

Shanghai  was  threatened  and  the  French,  who 
were  established  there  with  the  Americans  and 
11 


162 


THE  TAEPING  REBELLION. 


English,  took  the  initiative  by  sending  400  marines 
and  sailors  to  co-operate  with  the  Chinese  imperial 
troops.  The  English  soon  joined  in  and  active 
measures  were  taken  for  the  protection  of  Shanghai. 
Merchants  in  that  city  subscribed  to  a fund  which 
was  used  in  organizing  and  paying  an  army  of 
defense,  composed  partly  of  Chinese  and  partly  of 
white  adventurers.  This  force  was  known  as  the 
“ Ever  Victorious  Army  ” and  was  commanded  at 
first  by  Frederick  E.  Ward,  an  American.  He  was 
a dashing  and  successful  fighter,  having  the  complete 
confidence  of  the  Chinese  and  though  his  impetuosity 
led  him  into  an  occasional  reverse,  his  career  with 
the  “Ever  Victorious  Army”  was  in  the  main 
truly  victorious.  Larger  and  larger  grew  the 
numbers  of  Taepings  threatening  Shanghai  but 
Ward  and  his  army  saved  the  city  in  conjunction 
with  occasional  help  from  the  French  and  English 
fleets.  At  length  Ward  was  killed  in  battle  and 
Burgevine,  another  American,  succeeded  him. 
Though  Burgevine  had  undoubted  talent  he  was 
considered  dictatorial  and  irritable  and  did  not  gain 
the  confidence  of  the  Chinese  and  Europeans  to  the 
same  extent  as  Ward  had  done.  He  was  also  in- 
spired by  excessive  ambition  and  at  one  time  pro- 
posed that  he  and  a few  others  should  establish 
themselves  in  part  of  China  as  an  independent 
power.  He  was  finally  ousted  from  the  command 
as  a result  of  the  constant  friction  between  him  and 
those  who  were  back  of  the  “ Ever  Victorious  Army.” 


THE  TAEPINQ  REBELIAON. 


163 


Anew  commander  was  needed  and  Major  Charles 
Gordon  was  chosen.  He  took  the  command  in 
March,  1863,  when  the  Pekin  government  itself 
had  just  emerged  from  a war  with  England  and 
France  in  which  it  had  come  off  second  best. 
Gordon  soon  collected  about  5,000  Chinese  and 
white  troops  whom  he  inspired  by  his  own  high 
character,  dauntless  courage  and  stragetic  ability. 
He  drilled  and  disciplined  his  men — a heteroge- 
neous body,  at  best — until  they  were  fit  to  face 
any  foe.  It  was  a theory  of  Gordon,  which  is 
especially  interesting  at  this  time,  that  Chinese 
fought  as  well  under  their  own  officers  as  under 
Caucasians ; all  that  was  necessary  was  to  drill 
and  equip  them  properly.  Never  armed,  but 
always  carrying  a little  bamboo  cane,  which  came 
to  be  known  as  his  “ magic  wand  of  victory,” 
Gordon  led  his  men  in  almost  every  battle  they 
fought.  He  seemed  to  them  to  be  everywhere 
and  yet  always  in  front  at  the  same  time.  Habitu- 
ally exposing  himself,  he  appeared  immune  to 
the  dangers  of  battle. 

In  less  than  two  years  after  he  took  command 
the  power  of  the  Taepings  was  broken.  At  first 
confining  himself  to  the  region  about  Shanghai, 
he  finally  undertook  an  aggressive  campaign  and 
city  after  city  which  the  Taepings  had  ruled  for 
years  was  won  back  for  the  imperial  power.  Li 
Hung  Chang  who  had  then  just  risen  to  promi- 
nence, was  the  Chinese  official  immediately  in 


164 


THE  TAEPING  REBELLION. 


supervision  and  he  had  implicit  confidence  in 
Gordon,  besides  boundless  admiration  for  the 
man.  When  the  great  city  of  Suchau  was 
captured,  Gordon  stipulated  that  the  lives  of  the 
Wangs  who  were  in  command  there  should  be 
spared  but  they  were  nevertheless  murdered.  For 
this  breach  of  faith  he  was  inclined  to  blame 
Li  Hung  Chang  and  their  former  close  friendship 
was  broken. 

The  final  stand  of  the  Taeping  power  was 
made  at  Nanking,  where  Tien  Wang,  the  leader 
of  the  movement,  remained.  A desperate  resist- 
ance was  made  and  when  the  outlook  became 
hopeless  Tien  Wang  committed  suicide.  The 
walls  were  undermined  with  gunpowder  and 
through  the  breach  made  by  the  explosion  the 
imperial  army  rushed  to  victory.  So,  on  July 
19,  1864,  when  the  Taeping  rebellion  had  raged 
14  years,  it  was  finally  stamped  out.  Gordon,  with 
his  usual  modesty,  was  inclined  to  deprecate  his 
own  share  of  the  work.  He  said  the  victory  would 
have  been  won  without  his  assistance,  though  it 
might  have  been  delayed.  To  this  day  the  Chinese 
regard  him  almost  in  the  light  of  a god  of  war. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Chinese  Religion  and  Civilization. 
HINESE  religious  practices  are  an  object  of 


prime  importance  just  now,  as  coming  in 
contact  with  the  wonderfully  aggressive  force  of 
Christianity  in  a supreme  clash  that  threatens,  as 
far  as  the  soil  of  China  is  concerned,  to  send  one  or 
the  other  to  the  wall.  In  order  to  comprehend 
clearly  what  these  practices  are,  we  must  first  take 
into  consideration  the  fact  that  the  system  prevail- 
ing in  China  is  essentially  different  from  that  in 
America  or  any  of  the  leading  countries  of  Europe. 
Here  religion  is  practically  confined  to  one  faith, 
the  different  branches  of  which  find  their  fountain 
heads  in  the  one  great  source  of  inspiration,  the 
Bible,  the  Christians  accepting  both  the  old  and 
new  testaments  and  the  Jews  only  the  old.  In 
China,  ou  the  contrary,  there  is  one  basic  system  of 
fetishism  which  may  be  called  the  Chinese  faith, 
and  besides  there  are  the  widely  differing  faiths 
or  cults  of  Confucianism,  Taoism,  Buddhism  and 
Mohammedanism. 

The  combined  result  of  these  systems,  as  fused 
into  a composite  production  by  their  influence  on 
the  people  of  China,  is  to  teach  a high  order  of 


165 


166  CHINESE  KELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

morality  iu  many  things  and  a large  number  of 
beautiful  and  simple  truths.  Many  a Chinaman 
will  compare  favorably  in  moral  and  philosophic 
elevation  with  the  average  type  of  a Christian  or  a 
Jew.  There  is,  of  course,  a large  class  which  falls 
below  the  standard,  as  is  the  case  also  among  the 
Caucasian  nations.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  moral 
degradation  of  which  hasty  foreign  observers  in 
China  have  written  so  much  is  chiefly  to  be  found 
iu  the  coast  cities,  where  the  natives  come  in  contact 
with  Europeans  and  Americans.  Sailor  morals — 
the  cult  of  the  trader — have  presented  examples  to 
the  Chinese  whose  influence  has  been  almost  wholly 
bad.  The  Christian  missionaries  have  had  a degree 
of  success  in  overcoming  this  evil  lesson,  which  the 
Chinese  have  wrongly  taken  as  exemplifying  the 
effects  upon  the  westerners  themselves  of  the  faith 
sought  to  be  impressed  upon  the  whole  people  of  the 
empire  to  the  displacement  of  the  sublime  moral 
principles  taught  by  the  wisdom  of  their  sages.  In 
a word,  the  Chinese,  while  holding  with  the  venera- 
tion of  a race  of  ancestor-worshippers  to  the  religion 
of  their  fathers,  doubt  the  practical  efficacy  of  the 
Christian  theory  to  produce  equally  beneficial  results. 
They  would,  perhaps,  have  embraced  Christianity 
in  much  larger  numbers  had  it  been  introduced  to 
them  by  Asiatics.  Taught  by  the  hated  westerners, 
whom  they  have  come  to  regard  as  given  over  to 
the  sordid  motives  of  trade,  diplomatic  trickery  and 
brutal  war  waged  for  selfish  purposes,  they  regard 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  167 


it  not  only  with  suspicion,  but  with  intense 
alarm. 

We  will  consider  now,  first,  the  common  base  of 
Chinese  religious  practises,  and  second,  the  faiths 
or  cults  which  have  been  grafted  upon  it.  The 
base  is  a system  of  fetishism  which  was  the  original 
faith  of  the  Chinese.  It  consists  in  veneration  of 
the  heavenly  bodies,  of  the  earth,  of  the  sky,  of 
natural  phenomena,  of  ancestors,  and  of  human 
beings  who  are  regarded  as  having  reached  a high 
stage  of  perfection.  Among  the  great  altars  at 
Pekin  we  find — considering  them  in  the  order 
of  their  importance — altars  of  the  sky,  of  the  earth, 
of  prayer  for  obtaining  the  fruits  of  the  earth  in 
abundance,  of  the  rising  sun  and  of  the  moon  at 
night.  The  sky  is  the  preponderant  deity.  It  is 
regarded  as  the  powerful  God  whose  action  co- 
ordinates the  activity  of  all  the  others.  The  chief 
town  of  each  province,  department  and  canton  is 
officially  required  by  the  laws  to  have  the  fol- 
lowing altars  and  temples  : altar  to  the  sky ; altar 
to  the  earth  ; altars  dedicated  to  the  winds,  to  the 
clouds,  to  thunder,  to  rain  ; to  the  mountains  and 
rivers ; to  the  first  tiller  of  the  soil : temples  dedi- 
cated to  literature,  to  the  succession  of  emperors 
who  have  governed  China,  to  the  constellation  of 
the  Great  Bear,  to  the  moats  which  surround  and 
defend  the  town  or  city,  to  the  evil  spirit  who  causes 
sickness ; to  celebrated  sages  who  have  rendered 
distinguished  services  to  their  country ; to  men  who 


168  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

were  models  of  sincerity,  fidelity,  righteousness  and 
filial  piety ; to  maidens  who  were  distinguished  for 
eminent  chastity  and  to  married  women  who  were 
renowned  for  their  virtues  and  modesty.  At  Pekin 
the  emperor  and  the  mandarins,  at  certain  periods  of 
the  year  fixed  by  the  rites,  perform  official  acts  of 
worship  to  the  sky  and  the  earth  in  places  dedicated 
to  such  uses.  A grand  sacrifice  to  the  sky  is  made 
at  the  epoch  of  the  winter  solstice  by  the  emperor 
himself.  On  this  occasion  he  offers  grain  which  he 
has  cultivated  with  his  own  hands. 

Worship  of  ancestors,  as  a striking  element  in 
this  fetishism  which  is  the  basis  of  China’s  religious 
systems,  has  influenced  to  a marked  degree  the 
whole  life  and  civilization  of  the  people.  It  has 
also  made  the  Chinese  the  most  notable  examples  of 
filial  obedience  and  devotion  to  be  found  in  the 
whole  world.  “ Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother,” 
is  a command  which  practically  all  Chinese  obey. 
In  almost  every  house  is  a place  consecrated  to  the 
tablets  of  ancestors.  This  place  is  a domestic 
temple,  a sacred  place,  where  periodical  offerings 
are  made  to  ancestors,  where  are  told  the  import- 
ant events  that  take  place  in  the  bosom  of  the  family 
such  as  deaths,  marriages  and  hirths.  As  a natural 
sequence  extraordinary  attention  is  bestowed  upon 
the  coffin.  A Chinaman,  while  living,  gives  the 
making  of  his  coffin  as  much  attention  as  he  be- 
stows on  the  making  of  his  will.  Still  another 
sequence  is  the  horror  of  mutilation  which  the 


CHINESE  EELIOIOX  AND  CIVILIZATION.  169 


Chinese  have.  Beheading  is  dreaded  as  a mode  of 
execution,  because  it  mutilates. 

Before  taking  up  for  consideration  Taoism,  Con- 
fucianism, Buddhism,  and  Mohammedanism  as 
elements  tending  to  develop  in  some  cases,  to  modify 
in  others,  this  central  basis  of  Chinese  religion,  let 
us  consider  some  of  the  effects  which  that  basis  has 
produced  upon  the  people  and  the  government. 
As  worship  of  nature  is  its  chief  characteristic,  it 
has  caused  in  the  Chinese  a strong  love  for  their 
homes,  their  native  soil.  Americans  have  observed 
how  a Chinese  immigrant  laborer  will  toil  far  into 
the  night  in  order  that  he  may  leave  at  his  death  a 
sufficient  sum  to  transport  his  body  to  his  native 
village  for  burial.  The  same  family  in  many  cases 
occupies  the  same  home  site  for  hundreds  of  years. 
There  is  also  a deep  love  of  flowers,  of  forests,  of  the 
towering  mountains,  of  the  great  rivers  which  are 
the  arteries  of  China’s  trade.  Learned  magistrates 
and  grave  councillors  of  state  will  invite  each  other 
to  inspect  their  gardens  of  peonies  and  chrysanthe- 
mums. A Chinaman  will  fall  in  love  with  a single 
flower  and  care  for  it  with  minute  devotion,  care- 
fully noting  each  stage  in  the  development  of  its 
leaves  and  blossoms  and  feeling  a real  sorrow  when 
it  is  gone. 

Reverence  for  the  family  has  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  governmental  type  upon  that  basis. 
According  to  Chinese  thinkers,  the  emperor  is  the 
father  and  mother  of  his  people.  His  essential 


170  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

character  is  paternal.  The  influence  of  this  idea 
has  been  felt  strongly  throughout  the  ages  by  the 
emperors  themselves  and  its  efiect  has  been  good. 
It  acts  as  a check  on  acts  of  arbitrariness  and 
absolutism.  From  this  conception  arises  the  marked 
tendency  of  the  emperors  to  develop  the  industrial 
life  of  the  people  as  a father  providing  for  the 
temporal  wants  of  his  family.  How  well  this  has 
worked  out  we  can  see  in  China  to-day.  What 
country  of  equal  size  in  Europe,  or  even  America, 
could  support  a population  so  vast  without  tre- 
mendous economic  crises,  leading  perhaps  to  frequent 
changes  in  the  government  ? China  is  naturally 
fertile  and  has  one  of  the  most  highly  favored 
climates  in  the  world.  A great  system  of  public 
works,  including  works  of  irrigation,  has  tended  to 
extract  from  this  fortunate  situation  the  utmost 
good  for  the  people.  Commercial  and  industrial 
oppressors,  where  they  have  sought  to  raise  their 
heads,  have  been  sternly  put  down.  The  regulation 
of  agriculture  and  markets  is  a function  of  the  state. 

A point  of  considerable  interest  to  American 
readers  just  now  is  that  such  an  institution  as 
an  industrial  trust  does  not  exist  in  China. 
Nowhere  else  in  the  world  is  material  produc- 
tion so  largely  distributed  in  the  control  of  the 
masses  of  the  people.  A missionary  has  written : 

“As  in  this  Kingdom  there  is  not  a useless  foot  of  land,  so 
neither  is  there  a man  or  woman,  young,  old,  halt,  maimed, 
deaf  or  blind,  who  is  without  the  means  of  making  a living, 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  171 


without  an  art  or  occupation  of  some  kind.  The  Chinese  have 
a common  saying  ‘ In  the  Kingdom  of  China  nothing  is  thrown 
away.’  However  worthless  or  useless  a thing  may  appear,  a 
use  is  found  for  it,  a profit  of  some  sort  made  out  of  it.  For 
instance,  in  Pekin  alone  there  are  more  than  a thousand  fami- 
lies whose  sole  means  of  livelihood  consists  in  selling  matches. 
There  are  at  least  as  many  who  live  by  raking  up,  in  the  streets, 
and  among  sweepings,  rags  of  silk  stuffs,  cotton  or  hemp  fabric, 
bits  of  paper  and  such  things,  which  they  wash,  renovate  and 
then  sell  to  others,  who  put  the  fragments  to  use  in  a variety  of 
ways  and  make  a profit.” 


Chinese  industry,  on  the  whole,  is  essentially 
petty  industry.  There  is  little  employment  of 
machinery.  Large  families  manage  to  exist  on 
but  a fraction  of  an  acre,  producing  practically 
everything  they  need. 

We  have  considered  this  industrial  condition 
as  a direct  outgrowth  of  the  paternal  .sy.stera  of 
government,  which  is  due  to  ancestor  worship  as 
a leading  element  in  the  primary  religion  of  the 
people.  The  usual  results  of  fetishism  are  tem- 
pered by  the  literary  and  scientific  development 
of  the  Chinese  which  leads  them  to  understand 
the  ordinary  processes  of  nature.  Cruel  practices 
like  those  of  barbarian  fetishists  are  practically 
unknown  in  Chinese  religion.  The  aim  is  the 
elevation  and  development  of  the  individual  by 
the  same  synthetic  and  consistent  processes  as  are 
observed  in  the  phenomena  of  nature.  The  lower 
classes  are  necessarily  subject  to  the  fear  of  the 
wrath  of  their  nature-gods  more  than  those  further 


172  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

advanced  in  culture,  but  no  class  is  absolutely  free 
from  it.  Great  droughts,  floods  and  earthquakes 
are  considered  by  all  as  denoting  the  anger  of  the 
gods  and  sacrifices  are  made  in  the  temples  to 
appease  the  offended  deities. 

Though  the  family  is  the  basis  of  religion  and 
the  government,  the  conjugal  relation  is  a weak 
point  in  it,  not  nearly  approaching  the  purity  of 
the  paternal,  maternal  and  filial  ties  in  China.  In 
this  the  Chinese  are  like  other  nations  which  have 
failed  to  feel  what  is  essentially  a modern  develop- 
ment— the  elevation  of  woman  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  Christianity.  True,  the  women  of 
Cliina  occupy  a place  far  from  that  of  menials  and 
their  influence  over  their  sons  and  daughters  is 
almost  always  great.  But  they  still  fall  far  below 
that  state  of  popular  estimation  in  which  Christ- 
ianity has  taught  the  nations  of  the  western  world 
to  regard  the  weaker  sex. 

The  practice  of  having  only  one  wife  has  been 
imperfectly  attained  in  China.  Though  the  law 
allows  only  one  legitimate  wife,  it  sanctions  a regular 
concubinage.  This  legal  concubinage  is  confined  to 
those  who  are  rich,  or  at  least  sufficiently  well  off  to 
support  more  than  one  wife.  Even  among  the 
wealthy  it  is  far  from  being  practiced  as  extensively 
as  the  law  would  allow.  Instances  of  moral  degra- 
dation are  of  course  found  among  the  Chinese  in 
plenty,  just  as  they  are  found  in  America  and 
Europe.  Especially  is  this  the  case,  as  previously 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  173 


stated,  in  the  coast  cities  where  they  have  come  in 
contact  with  foreigners.  The  dwelling  of  the  two 
races  in  the  same  city  appears  in  many  instances  to 
have  worked  a degradation  to  both. 

Taoism  as  the  first  great  modifying  cause  of  the 
basic  Chinese  religion,  comes  now  to  be  considered. 
This  term  is  derived  from  the  word  Tao,  meaning 
reason,  and  the  members  of  the  cult  call  themselves 
Tao-shi,  or  followers  of  reason.  Taoism  is  the 
philosophy  of  Lao-Tsze,  one  of  the  leading  thinkers 
whom  China  has  produced. 

Lao-Tsze  was  born  in  the  Kingdom  of  Tsu,  now 
the  provinces  of  Hu-peh  and  Hu-nan,  in  604  B.  C., 
54  years  before  Confucius,  from  whose  philosophy 
his  own  system  is  notably  different.  The  teaching 
of  Lao-Tsze  may  be  summed  up  in  the  supreme 
principle  that  he  undertook  by  means  of  reason  to 
explain  everything.  In  his  own  words  he  tells  the 
germ  of  his  belief  as  follows  : 

‘‘  Before  the  chaos  which  preceded  tlie  birth  of  heaven  and 
earth  a single  being  existed,  immovable  and  always  acting  but 
never  altering.  It  may  be  regarded  as  the  mother  of  the  uni- 
verse. I know  not  its  name  but  I designate  it  by  the  term 
Reason.  Reason  is  the  inmost  essence  of  all  things.  It  has 
neither  beginning  nor  end.  Tlie  universe  has  an  end,  but  this 
Reason  has  not.  Unchangeable  before  the  birth  of  the  uni- 
verse, it  was  nameless  and  ever-existing.  Reason  is  the  only 
name  the  holy  man  can  give  it.  He  also  calls  it  spirit,  because 
there  is  no  place  in  which  it  is  and  no  place  in  which  it  is  not. 
He  calls  it  truth,  because  there  is  nothing  false  in  it ; principle, 
by  way  of  contrast  to  what  is  produced  or  secondary.  This 
being  is  truly  one ; it  sustains  heaven  and  earth,  and  it  itself 


174  CHINESE  EELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


has  no  qualities  cognizable  by  the  senses.  It  is  pure  as  regards 
its  substance ; it  is  reason  in  respect  to  the  order  in  which  it  is 
established ; it  is  nature  in  relation  to  the  force  which  it  has 
given  to  man  and  which  is  in  him ; it  is  spirit  as  to  its  mode 
of  action  without  bound  and  without  end.” 

A striking  feature  in  the  philosophy  of  Lao-Tsze 
is  its  contempt  for  the  past,  in  which  characteristic 
it  is  markedly  different  from  Confucius  and  from 
the  spirit  of  the  basic  Chinese  religion.  Confucius 
quotes  the  ancients  often  ; Lao-Tsze,  never. 

Lao-Tsze  has  been  called  the  Pythagoras  of  China. 
His  advent  was  at  a time  when  many  of  his  country- 
men were  sunk  in  a state  of  moral  indifference  and 
laxity  in  the  practices  of  religion.  With  the  zeal  of 
a reformer  he  set  himself  to  work  to  repair  the  evils 
of  the  day  and  to  hold  a higher  ideal  of  duty  before 
the  Chinese.  His  philosophy  was  rather  that  of 
theory  than  of  practice  and  to-day  it  occupies  the 
smallest  part  in  the  religious  life  of  China. 

Not  so  with  Confucius,  who  is  commonly  accorded 
the  rank  of  one  of  the  greatest  sages  of  all  time. 
He  it  was  who  arranged  the  basic  Chinese  religion 
into  an  orderly  and  comprehensive  system  which 
was  to  serve  as  a creed  ter  the  people  to  this  day. 
When  he  was  born  in  551  B.  C.,  in  what  is  now  the 
province  of  Shantung,  China  was  a group  of  petty 
kingdoms  or  provinces  acknowledging  a sort  of 
subordination,  more  nominal  than  real,  to  the  cen- 
tral Chow  dynasty.  The  germ  of  a common  civil- 
ization existed,  but  it  was  not  yet  coordinated  in 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  175 


practical  form.  The  needed  bond  of  union  and 
assimilation  was  a moral  doctrine  which  would  serve 
for  all  and  be  woven  around  the  practices  of  the 
early  Chinese  faith. 

The  father  of  Confucius  was  the  governor  of 
Tsow,  a town  of  minor  rank.  The  sage  lost  his 
father  early  and  was  brought  up  under  the  careful 
and  intelligent  tutelage  of  his  mother.  Educated 
with  great  pains,  he  showed  from  childhood  a com- 
bination of  ability,  humility  and  dev(itedness  which 
stamped  him  as  one  ranking  far  above  his  fellows. 
When  17  years  old  he  accepted,  at  the  desire  of  his 
mother,  a petty  official  appointment,  being  made 
inspector  of  the  grain  and  provision  market.  Here 
he  showed  that  constant  and  indefatigable  concern 
for  the  administration  of  public  office  as  a great 
moral  trust,  which  was  the  guiding  principle  of  his 
career  and  to  a large  extent  of  his  philosophy.  When 
19  years  old  he  married,  and  soon  afterward,  at  the 
age  of  21,  he  was  promoted  in  the  public  service, 
being  made  inspector  general  of  fields  and  flocks, 
with  full  power  to  institute  reforms  in  his  depart- 
ment. His  mother  died  when  he  was  24  years 
old,  and  when  his  official  career  was  just  beginning 
to  blossom. 

In  conformity  with  the  old  customs,  then  more 
honored  in  the  breach  than  the  observance,  he  gave 
up  his  promising  career  in  public  life  and  spent 
three  years  in  a seclusion  which  he  utilized  in  a 
wonderful  way.  It  was  during  this  seclusion  that 


176  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


he  conceived  his  great  project  of  reform.  He  evolved 
his  plan  of  work  and  delved  deep  in  earnest  study 
of  Chinese  antiquity,  of  political  and  moral  ques- 
tions and  in  meditation  on  the  princij)les  of  complete 
moral  development.  When  his  period  of  mourning 
and  seclusion  expired,  he  made  a series  of  jom- 
neys  into  the  kingdoms  of  China  along  the  course 
of  the  Yellow  river,  carefully  putting  a finishing 
touch  on  his  studies  by  observation  of  men  and 
things.  For  20  years  he  travelled  about,  convert- 
ing disciples  to  his  doctrine,  being  consulted  by 
kings  and  ministers  and  urging  upon  rulers  the  need 
of  governing  their  subjects  by  paternal,  moral  and 
pacific  means.  His  commanding  intellect,  no  less 
than  his  purity  and  zeal,  made  a profound  im- 
pression. 

Returning  to  his  native  state,  the  Duke  of  Lu 
persuaded  him  to  accept  again  employment  in  the 
public  service.  When  he  was  50  years  old,  he  was 
promoted  to  the  important  office  of  minister  of  civil 
and  criminal  justice,  where  he  exemplified  that  com- 
bination of  political  life  with  the  study  and  i)ractice 
of  moral  philosophy  'wffiich  he  so  ardently  taught. 
Besides  his  own  remarkably  beneficent  work  in  this 
respect,  a record  of  which  Chinese  historians  have 
carefully  preserved,  his  disciples  were  soon  occupy- 
ing important  political  posts  in  other  parts  of  China, 
while  some  of  them  continued  to  conduct  an  active 
propaganda.  When  the  Duke  of  Lu,  his  protector 
and  friend,  died,  Confucius  again  withdrew  from 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  177 


public  life  and,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  disciples, 
resumed  his  travels,  winning  many  converts  to  his 
doctrines.  At  the  age  of  66  years  his  wife  died  ; his 
son  soon  followed,  and  lastly  his  favorite  disciple 
Yen  Hwei  expired.  These  events  saddened  the  great 
reformer’s  life  in  its  closing  years.  Before  his  death 
he  called  together  his  leading  disciples  and  gave 
them  his  last  admonitions  as  regards  the  spirit  of 
his  teachings  and  the  methods  of  their  application. 
His  sense  of  humility  burdened  him  with  a feeling 
that  he  had  accomplished  little  good  in  the  world 
compared  to  his  opportunities.  “ I have  not  been 
successful,”  he  said.  “ Will  any  one  be  found,  after 
my  death,  willing  to  take  upon  himself  this  painful 
task  ? ” 

In  479  B.  C.,  this  wonderful  man  died.  He  had 
lived  72  years  and  was  to  exercise  upon  China  to 
remote  generations  an  influence  greater  than  that  of 
any  other  of  her  sons. 

Confucius  had  merely  begun  the  work.  His  dis- 
ciples spread  their  propaganda  after  his  death  and 
it  increased  enormously.  Under  Emperor  Kaotsou, 
the  founder  of  the  Han  dynasty,  who  reigned  from 
202  to  194  B.  C.,the  w'orship  of  Confucius  was  intro- 
duced as  that  of  a sage.  This  was  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  he  had  not  claimed  to  be  divine,  but 
sought  his  own  self-development  in  common  with 
the  development  of  moral  standards  in  other  men. 
Soon  temples  to  Confucius  were  erected  in  all  the 
principal  cities  of  China.  Under  the  Han  dynasty 
12 


178  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


he  was  named  Kung  or  Duke ; the  Tang  dynasty 
elev'ated  him  to  the  position  of  “First  Saint’’  and 
afterward  “ Preacher-Prince,”  his  statue  being 
clothed  in  royal  garments  and  a crown  being  put 
on  its  head.  The  Ming  dynasty  named  him  “ the 
most  holy,  the  wisest  and  the  most  virtuous  of  the 
founders  of  men.” 

The  four  principal  works  called  Confucian  are 
the  Hiao  King,  or  Classic  of  Filial  Piety,  the  Ta 
Hio,  or  Great  Lore,  the  Chung  Yung  or  the  Con- 
stant Mean,  and  the  Lun  Yu  or  Philosophic  Dis- 
courses. Parts  of  these  he  wrote  and  others  include 
his  sayings,  but  the  most  of  the  Confucian  works 
were  drawn  up  by  his  disciples. 

The  Ta  Hio  consists  of  an  argument  ascribed  to 
Confucius  and  an  explanation  given  by  Tseng  Tsze, 
one  of  his  disciples.  In  this  book  Confucius  tells 
of  the  problem  of  moral  perfection  in  this  way : 

“ The  Great  Lore  treats  of  the  way  to  make  bright  virtue 
brighter,  to  win  the  people’s  love  and  to  stay  in  the  utmost  good- 
ness. From  the  emperor  down  to  the  common  folk  there  is  one 
duty  for  all— to  make  the  regulation  of  their  conduct  the  first 
concern.” 

This  is  a brief  statement  of  the  dogma  that  the 
moral  perfection  of  each  individual  is  the  end  to  be 
aimed  at.  Confucius’  idea  of  how  to  carry  it  out 
was  thus  stated  : 

“ The  first  thing  is  to  know  your  aim  and  then  form  a resolve ; 
your  resolve  being  formed,  be  steadfast  in  it ; being  steadfast, 
you  will  have  peace  of  mind ; having  peace  of  mind,  you  can 
then  meditate ; meditating,  you  can  attain  your  aim.” 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  179 


Tseng  Tsze,  the  disciple,  seeks  to  work  out  these 
ideas  and  connect  them  with  the  early  history  of 
China  so  as  to  consolidate  the  political  and  moral 
system  of  the  empire.  He  says  in  dealing  with  the 
lessons  of  one  of  the  emperors : 

“How  profound  was  King  Wan’s  endeavor,  unwearied  and 
ardent,  to  attain  the  highest  goodness!  As  a sovereign,  his  aim 
was  to  be  beneficent ; as  a subject,  his  aim  was  to  be  reverential ; 
as  a son,  his  aim  was  to  be  filial ; as  a father,  his  aim  was  loving 
kindness;  in  his  intercourse  with  statesmen,  his  guiding  aim 
was  good  faith.” 

What  a lesson  for  rulers  of  the  present  day  ! 

In  the  Chung  Yung  or  Constancy  of  the  Mean, 
the  precise  conception  of  the  state  of  perfection  as 
Confucius  understood  it  is  set  forth  in  definite  terms. 
Here  is  an  extract  from  it : 

“ It  is  only  the  sage  of  wisest  ken  who  can  fully  understand 
and  develop  his  own  nature;  being  able  fully  to  understand 
and  develop  his  own  nature,  he  can  therefore  fully  understand 
and  develop  the  nature  of  others ; being  able  fully  to  under- 
stand and  develop  the  natures  of  other  men,  he  can  therefore 
fully  understand  and  develop  the  nature  of  things ; being  able 
fully  to  understand  and  develop  the  nature  of  things,  he  can 
therefore  co-operate  with  heaven  and  earth  in  their  trans- 
forming and  sustaining  operations;  being  able  to  co-operate 
with  heaven  and  earth  in  their  transforming  and  sustaining 
operations,  he  can  therefore  constitute  himself  with  heaven  and 
earth  a trinity.  Next  to  the  perfect  sage  comes  he  who  by  cul- 
ture rectifies  his  nature  flawed  by  some  ingrained  bias.” 

Confucius,  full  of  the  spirit  of  worship  of  the  sky 
and  earth  taught  by  the  venerable  Chinese  religion. 


180  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

borrowed  from  the  laws  of  the  celestial  bodies  that 
type  of  order  and  regularity  which  he  sought  to 
attain  in  human  life.  He  said  : 

“ Tliere  are  five  universal  ways  or  lines  of  duty  and  three 
means  by  which  to  pursue  them ; to  wit — as  between  lord  and 
vassal,  as  between  father  and  son,  as  between  husband  and  wife, 
as  between  older  and  younger  brother,  as  associating  with  friends 
— these  five  are  the  universal  ways  and  duties.  Knowledge, 
humanity,  courage ; these  are  the  three  universal  virtues ; and  it 
is  by  their  unity  that  the  duties  are  carried  into  practice.” 

Confucius  not  only  framed  a moral  system,  based 
on  conscience  and  a sense  of  duty,  but  he  rendered 
another  service  by  editing  the  ancient  literary  mon- 
uments of  Chinese  civilization.  These  have  become 
the  sacred  books  of  China : the  Yih  King,  or  Book 
of  Changes ; the  Shu  King,  or  Book  of  Historical 
Documents ; the  Shih  King,  or  Book  of  Poetry ; 
and  the  Li  Ki,  or  Record  of  Rites.  He  added  to 
these  a fifth  book  from  his  own  pen — the  Chun  Chu, 
or  Spring  and  Autumn,  containing  the  annals  of  his 
native  State  of  Lu. 

Thus  we  see  that  Confucius,  while  a reformer,  did 
not  seek  reform  by  radical  changes  or  the  overthrow 
of  the  venerated  past.  He  took  what  was  good  in 
the  past  and  consolidated  it  into  a great  system  for 
the  future.  As  a philosopher  and  a literary  man, 
he  was  a worthy  type  upon  which  to  found  the  non- 
hereditary  class  of  literati,  who  have  played  such  an 
important  part  in  the  history  of  China. 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  181 


Among  the  philosophers  who  advanced  along  the 
path  which  Confucius  opened  was  Meng-tsze,  better 
known  to  western  peoples  as  Mencius.  In  Chinese 
estimation  he  ranks  next  to  Confucius.  He  was 
born  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  B. 
C.,  in  what  is  now  the  province  of  Shantung,  and 
died  in  314  B.  C.,  at  a great  age.  Besides  develop- 
ing in  many  ways  the  doctrine  of  his  chief,  he 
formulated  the  condition  under  which  the  overthrow 
of  the  imperial  family,  the  central  element  of  Chinese 
unity,  becomes  a necessity.  Mencius  lays  it  down 
that  the  ruling  house  must  be  gotten  rid  of  when  it 
no  longer  fulfils  its  duty  in  a tolerable  way. 
When  this  stage  arrives,  the  emperor  ceases  to  be  the 
sovereign,  the  son  of  the  sky,  receiving  his  imperial 
mandate  from  heaven.  The  mandate  must  be 
withdrawn  from  him  by  a popular  revolution  if 
necessary.  When  the  emperor  ceases  to  govern 
wisely,  it  is  a sign  that  heaven’s  favor  has  been 
taken  from  him  and  he  is  no  longer  entitled  to  rule. 
This  spirit,  it  will  be  observed,  is  far  removed  from 
the  absolute  submission  to  hereditary  monarchs 
which  has  been  a characteristic  of  many  European 
nations. 

Buddhism  and  Mohammedanism,  the  two  other 
religions  which  have  been  grafted  on  the  original 
Chinese  system,  have  not  affected  it  markedly,  though 
they  have  gained  millions  of  adherents  in  China. 
As  two  of  the  world’s  best  known  and  most  widely 
observed  faiths,  which  are  not  peculiar  to  China, 


182  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


they  need  no  description  here.  Buddhism  was  in- 
troduced into  the  empire  from  India  under  the  Han 
dynasty  in  65  B.  C.  Many  emperors  have  embraced 
its  teachings  and  have  fostered  it.  The  literati,  who 
as  a class  represent  China’s  culture  and  the  truest 
teachings  of  her  civilization,  have  been  prone, 
however,  to  despise  it.  Some  mandarins,  though 
Buddhists,  will  nevertheless  perform  the  rites  of  the 
Chinese  religion.  They  do  not  find  the  two  incom- 
patible. At  times  some  of  the  emperors  have  been 
violently  incensed  against  this  faith  and  have  sup- 
pressed a great  number  of  its  monasteries  and  con- 
vents. 

Mohammedanism  spread  into  China  from  Arabia, 
soon  after  the  death  of  its  founder.  It  has  taken 
deep  root  in  some  sections  of  the  empire  and  its 
adherents,  inspired  witli  a disregard  of  death  in  con- 
sequence of  its  prophet’s  teachings,  have  furnished 
some  of  China’s  best  soldiers.  Like  Christianity, 
however,  it  is  a religion  totally  apart  from  the 
original  Chinese  faith  and  has  existed  separately. 
It  has  encountered  little  persecution  from  the  em- 
perors. 

Having  now  considered  the  religions  of  China, 
which  are  the  principal  foundations  of  its  civiliza- 
tion, we  will  next  consider  that  civilization  as  a 
whole.  It  is,  as  we  have  already  seen,  markedly 
different  type  from  the  civilizations  of  the  west.  Edu- 
cation is  widely  diffused  and  the  cultured  Chinaman, 
with  his  mind  stored  with  the  lore  of  his  sages,  his 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  183 


intellect  highly  trained  to  Chinese  methods  of  think- 
ing, and  his  courtesy  and  politeness,  which  form 
such  a contrast  to  the  brusqueness  of  the  west’s 
manners,  is  indeed  an  object  for  admiration.  The 
culture  of  the  Chinaman,  however,  aims  chiefly  at 
the  development  and  philosophy  of  morals  and  man- 
ners, not  at  that  of  abstract  knowledge  like  the 
culture  of  the  west.  He  has  literature,  science, 
music  aud  art  of  a kind,  but  it  is  not  the  western 
kind.  Reality  is  the  most  noticeable  characteristic  of 
his  literary  works.  Though  he  has  poetry,  romances 
and  dramas,  they  portray  real  life,  and  grand  ideal 
works,  like  those  of  Homer,  Dante  and  Milton,  have 
never  been  produced  by  the  Chinese.  There  are  his- 
tories in  plenty,  but  they  relate  to  China  alone  or, 
at  most,  to  Asia.  No  other  country  in  the  world 
has  such  a complete  mass  of  historical  data  relating 
to  itself  and  reaching  back  continuously  into  dark 
antiquity.  Geography,  except  as  relating  to  China, 
was  scarcely  known  until  a recent  time  and  was 
not  wanted.  Mathematics  and  all  other  scientific 
branches  are  in  an  elementary  state.  What  science 
the  Chinese  have  comes  to  them  chiefly  from  the 
Hindoos,  the  Mussulmans,  and  the  Christians. 
Astronomy  reached  a comparatively  high  state  of 
development  among  them  at  an  early  date  and  then 
remained  almost  stationary.  They  learned  how  to 
calculate  the  periodicity  of  solar  eclipses  and  other 
phenomena  but  developed  no  scientific  theory  to 
account  for  them.  Owing  to  their  nature-worship 
they  were  prone  to  turn  to  religion  for  an  explana- 


184  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


tion  of  all  things.  High  art  and  an  advanced  devel- 
opment of  music  do  not  exist  in  China,  though  both 
are  practiced  in  the  lower  stages.  The  culture  of  the 
Chinese  is  almost  devoid  of  imagination.  They  have 
no  myths,  none  of  the  pleasing  stories  of  the  super- 
natural with  which  western  nations  have  delighted 
themselves.  Neither  Confucius,  Mencius  nor  their 
successors  had  recourse  to  the  supernatural  to  support 
their  teachings. 

The  invention  of  printing  was  in  wide  use  in 
China  long  before  the  time  of  Guttenberg,  and  when 
western  nations  were  still  reading  their  books  from 
manuscripts.  In  931  A.  D.  printing  was  invented 
by  the  minister  Fung  Tao.  Movable  types  were 
not  employed.  The  whole  book  was  engraved  on 
wooden  blocks  and  then  printed,  the  process  used 
being  economical.  In  the  eleventh  century  the 
Chinese  advanced  to  the  invention  of  movable  types, 
but  these  were  not  extensively  used.  In  China  the 
veneration  for  the  antique  leads  to  reprinting  the 
same  books  over  and  over  again,  while  the  west  is 
given  to  the  production  of  works  that  have  but  a 
temporary  character.  The  same  blocks  could  there- 
fore be  used  for  many  successive  editions  of  a book 
until  they  became  %vorn,  and  then  they  could  be 
restored  by  a cheap  and  simple  process.  It  should 
be  noted  that  publishing  can  be  done  in  China  much 
more  cheaply  than  in  America  or  Europe.  But 
there  was  another  reason  why  the  Chinese  preferred 
their  own  mode  of  block  printing.  The  nature  of 
their  script  is  far  different  from  ours,  ^yith  us  the 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  185 


elementary  sounds  are  represented  by  letters,  and 
all  words  are  built  up  by  a combination  of  these. 
In  China,  on  the  contrary,  writing  is  not  phonetic. 
Each  Chinese  written  sign  or  character  expresses  a 
syllable,  a word,  or  even  a whole  sentence  or  idea. 
Hence  the  characters  are  extremely  numerous,  and 
exceed  thirty  thousand  in  all.  New  characters 
are  constantly  being  invented  to  keep  pace  with  the 
progress  of  knowledge  and  civilization.  So  the 
Chinese  for  centuries  felt  no  need  of  movable  types, 
as  their  own  mode  was  more  economical  and  conve- 
nient. In  the  last  half-century  the  use  of  the  mov- 
able kind  has  become  wider  in  China,  owing  to  the 
influence  of  the  missionaries,  and  it  is  being  con- 
stantly extended. 

Far  antedating  the  use  of  type  was  the  invention 
of  paper  and  ink,  made  in  the  reign  of  Tsin  Chi 
Hwang-ti,  which  covered  the  period  from  221  to 
209  B.  C.  The  improvement  of  the  pencil  or  writ- 
ingbrush was  made  by  one  of  that  monarch’s  generals, 
Meng  Tien.  Previously  books  had  been  written  by 
graving  upon  bamboo  slips,  and  in  rare  occasions 
they  had  been  graven  on  stone.  These  tedious  pro- 
cesses were  done  away  with  by  writing  upon  paper 
with  the  brush  and  ink.  The  manufacture  of  paper 
became  one  of  the  leading  industries  of  China. 

A striking  characteristic  of  Chinese  civilization 
is  the  absence  of  caste  and  the  caste  spirit.  In  this 
respect  it  approaches  more  nearly  to  democracy  than 
some  countries  which  have  made  greater  pretensions 
to  free  institutions.  All  Chinamen  are  born  on  an 


186  CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION. 


equality.  The  highest  places  in  the  state  are  open 
to  all.  Under  the  system  of  civil  service  examina- 
tions the  merit  test  is  applied  in  the  vast  majority 
of  appointments  to  public  office.  Sons  of  laborers 
have  swayed  the  destinies  of  the  empire;  daughters 
of  laborers  have  become  the  consorts  of  its  emper- 
ors and  their  children  have  succeeded  to  the  throne. 
Even  the  imperial  family  is  not  strictly  a hereditary 
aristocracy.  The  emperors,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
are  deposed  when  they  govern  badly,  the  right  of  revo- 
lution being  exerted  by  the  people.  The  monarch’s 
eldest  son  does  not  necessarily  succeed  him — a fact 
directly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  caste.  Each 
emperor  selects  his  heir  from  the  members  of  his 
family  and  is  absolutely  unrestricted  as  to  which  of 
them  he  shall  choose. 

Among  the  results  of  the  absence  of  caste  are  the 
marvellous  development  of  industrial  activity  and 
respect  for  private  property — both  directly  proceed- 
ing from  the  feeling  that  the  rights  of  all  are  on  a 
legal  equality,  that  there  is  no  bar  to  effort  and  no 
right  by  one  class  to  exploit  another.  The  notion  that 
the  soil  belongs  to  the  monarch  or  the  feudal  chief 
has  found  no  lodging  place  in  the  mind  of  the  China- 
man. The  freedom  of  transmitting  private  property 
is  subject  to  no  law  of  primogeniture  or  entail. 

Agriculture  is  the  main  end  of  this  peaceful 
people  and  they  have  become  the  most  cheerfully 
industrious,  and  the  wealthiest  nation  in  Asia. 
The  cultivation  of  cereals,  and,  above  all,  rice  is  the 
main  branch  of  agriculture.  Gardening  has  been 


CHINESE  RELIGION  AND  CIVILIZATION.  187 


developed  to  unrivalled  perfection.  The  cultivation 
of  tea  and  bamboo  is  also  an  immense  source  of 
wealth.  A great  variety  in  the  bamboo  has  been 
attained  by  skill  and  patience.  Different  kinds  in 
size  and  height,  in  the  color  of  the  wood,  the 
distance  of  the  knots,  in  the  substance  and  thickness 
of  the  leaves  and  branches  are  produced  by  care  and 
systematic  attention.  The  young  sprouts  are  used 
as  a part  of  China’s  food  supply,  which  is  mainly 
vegetable.  Pigs  and  fowls  are  the  chief  articles  of 
animal  food  though  beef,  mutton  and  venison  are 
gotten  from  Tartary.  The  implements  of  agri- 
culture are  simple.  Such  a thing  as  the  great  wheat 
farms  in  the  western  part  of  the  United  States, 
where  everything  is  done  by  machinery,  is  unknown. 
The  silk  industry  has  great  importance  and  dates 
from  remote  antiquity.  Minerals  abound.  It  is  this 
wealth  of  China,  developed  from  the  fertility  of  the 
soil  by  the  industry  of  the  people,  that  is  exciting 
the  cupidity  of  western  nations. 

China  needs  no  foreign  commerce,  for  her  inter- 
nal commerce  has  been  carefully  nourished  on  an 
enormous  scale.  This  trade  is  chiefly  carried  on  by 
water.  The  whole  country  is  a huge  network  of 
rivers  and  canals,  on  which  navigation  is  constant. 
The  government  has  fostered  the  development  of 
channels  of  communication  among  the  provinces 
and  thus,  even  without  the  much- vaunted  railroad, 
trade  and  communication  in  China  proceed  at  a 
ti’emendous  pace. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


How  Chixa  is  Governed. 

HE  theory  of  the  Chinese  Government  is  “ equal 


and  exact  justice  to  all,  with  special  privileges 
to  none.”  In  practice  these  beneficent  purposes  are 
more  or  less  thwarted  by  the  weaknesses  of  human 
nature,  from  which  even  Western  critics  are  not 
wholly  free.  One  of  the  conditions  which  hampers 
the  system  is  the  fact  that  low  salaries  are  paid  to 
many  of  the  officials  and  a still  larger  number  are 
not  paid  at  all.  This  is  a result  of  the  efforts  to 
reduce  the  tax  burdens  of  the  people  to  the  lowest 
possible  limit,  a subject  which  for  countless  centu- 
ries has  occupied  the  attention  of  the  emperors  and 
the  literati.  Some  officials  who  receive  no  pay  or 
very  little,  yielding  to  natural  but  far  from  com- 
mendable impulses,  make  a practice  of  receiving 
bribes  or  “ tips.”  From  this  the  inference  may  be 
drawn,  perhaps,  that  too  much  public  economy  is 
not  a good  thing.  What  is  taken  in  through  the 
spigot  may  come  out  at  the  bung. 

In  order  to  get  a just  estimate  of  China’s  govern- 
ment, we  must  first  consider  what  it  aims  at,  secondly 
what  results  it  produces  and  thirdly  what  are  the 
natural  defects  it  encounters  in  the  way  of  producing 


188 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


189 


a perfect  administration.  Some  foreigners,  full  of 
prejudice  against  the  Chinese  race,  have  scoffed  at 
the  system,  but  the  great  majority  of  careful  inves- 
tigators have  found  in  it,  as  far  as  laws  can  make  it, 
an  admirable  system  which  is  peculiarly  well  adapted 
to  the  character  of  the  Chinese.  It  will  not  do  to 
accept  at  face  value  the  opinion  of  every  foreigner 
who  has  criticised  the  Chinese  government  in  un- 
sparing terms.  The  very  extremes  of  some  of  the 
criticisms  are  a conclusive  argument  against  their 
fairness.  We  have  some  millions  of  people  in  our 
own  country  who  have  the  idea  that  the  government 
of  the  United  States  is  about  as  near  perfection  as 
the  limitations  and  fickleness  of  human  nature  will 
permit.  Yet  subjects  of  European  monarchies  who 
have  travelled  on  this  side  of  the  water  go  home 
and  scoflf  at  us. 

Though  the  central  figure  of  the  Chinese  govern- 
mental system  is  the  emperor,  who  is  supposed  to 
derive  autocratic  power  from  heaven,  he  is  so  sur- 
rounded by  checks  and  balances  that  he  cannot 
exercise  this  power  like  a despot.  Besides  the  history 
and  traditions  of  his  office  fix  so  definitely  its  ben- 
evolent character  that  it  may  almost  be  said  he  dare 
not  be  a despot.  In  theory,  the  emperor  as  we  have 
previously  seen,  is  the  “ father  and  mother  of  his 
people.’’  His  character  as  an  official  is  essentially 
paternal,  and  not  tyrannical  or  oppressive.  Though 
there  is  no  congress  or  parliament  in  China  or  any- 
thing that  may  be  called  a system  of  representative 


190 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


institutions,  the  emperor  is  checked  by  the  splendid 
moral  code  of  Confucius,  which  is  the  accepted 
chart  of  his  duties,  and  by  the  board  of  censors  at 
Pekin,  whose  official  function  it  is  to  criticise  the 
acts  of  the  sovereign  and  who  are  unsparing  in  their 
comments.  They  are  always  comparing  the  acts  of 
to-day  with  the  beneficent  ones  of  the  past  and  are 
vigilant  in  their  observations  of  everything  the 
emperor  says  and  does.  Another  institution  peculiar 
to  China,  and  which  in  itself  is  a great  check  on  the 
impulses  of  an  unworthy  sovereign,  is  the  board  of 
historiographers  of  the  Hanlin  college,  the  institu- 
tion which  embraces  the  empire’s  most  learned  men. 
This  board  is  composed  of  22  members,  who  are 
constantly  with  the  emperor  to  record  his  words  and 
acts.  What  they  write  is  a complete  secret  so  long 
as  the  same  dynasty  continues  to  reign.  Thus  the 
official  history  of  the  Manchu  sovereigns,  who  have 
ruled  from  1616  A.  D.  to  the  present  time,  will  only 
be  known  when  their  line  has  ceased  to  occupy  the 
throne.  The  duty  of  publishing  it  will  then  become 
a sacred  charge  upon  their  successors.  The  emper- 
ors from  time  immemorial  have  been  given  to 
studying  and  quoting  the  precedents  of  the  past  and 
their  records  breathe  a spirit  of  benevolence  to  their 
subjects.  It  gives  them  pause  to  reflect  that  every 
important  word  they  utter  is  to  pass  into  the  history 
of  their  country  and  that  the  estimation  in  which 
they  will  be  held  by  future  generations  will  be  thus 
decided. 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


191 


In  consequence  of  these  checks  on  the  emperors, 
we  find  in  all  of  China’s  long  history  extremely  few 
cases  of  a monarch’s  evil  whims  bringing  calamity 
on  any  large  section  of  his  subjects.  The  emperors 
have  fairly  faced  the  many  and  arduous  problems 
with  which  they  have  been  confronted.  They  have 
been  hard  workers,  arising  early  and  listening  pati- 
ently to  the  recitals  of  the  complaints  and  appeals 
of  their  people.  Everything  at  the  palace  is  done  in 
an  orderly  manner  and  in  strict  accordance  with 
what  the  experience  of  the  past  has  shown  to  be 
practical  and  efficacious.  The  humblest  criminal 
in  China  is  entitled  by  law  to  receive  at  the  hands 
of  the  judges  as  much  consideration  as  an  accused 
official  of  the  highest  class  until  his  sentence  is 
finally  passed  upon  by  the  emperor. 

Some  of  the  monarchs,  in  the  course  of  ages,  have 
developed  a tyrannical  and  cruel  tendency.  This 
has  generally  been  confined  to  the  palace  itself  and 
the  mass  of  the  people  has  not  been  permitted  to 
suffer  by  it.  As  to  the  palace,  a strict  and  exacting 
system  of  official  discipline  is  maintained  and  degra- 
dations among  employes  of  the  government  often 
occur.  It  is  seldom  that  officials  have  been  punished 
by  death,  except  in  cases  of  peculation  or  other 
grave  offense. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  emperor  in  the  govern- 
mental system  of  China  are  the  two  inner  cabinets 
and  a number  of  subsidiary  boards  which  conduct 
distinct  departments  of  the  state.  The  cabinets  are 


192 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNEH. 


the  Grand  Secretariat  or  Niu  Koh,  and  the  General 
Council  or  Kiun  Ki  Chu.  The  secretariat  is  com- 
posed of  four  secretaries  and  two  assistants.  The 
senior  grand  secretary  has  nearly  always  been  a 
Manchu  since  the  present  dynasty  came  to  the 
throne  and  Li  Hung  Chang  had  the  honor  of  being 
the  first  official  from  China  proper  appointed  to  that 
post.  Ten  learned  men,  who  are  usually  doctors  of 
the  Hanlin  College,  assist  the  secretaries.  The  full 
staff  numbers  fully  200  officials.  The  secretaries 
are  an  advisory  board  to  the  emperor  and  are  in 
close  contact  with  him.  They  submit  to  him  great 
numbers  of  papers  which  have  been  transmitted  to 
them  and  receive  the  instructions  upon  the  basis  of 
which  the  official  edicts  are  drawn  up.  They  also 
keep  the  25  imperial  seals,  each  of  which  is  used 
for  a different  purpose. 

The  General  Council,  the  second  of  these  bodies 
constituting  the  central  administration,  is  a board  in 
which  the  heads  of  departments  can  be  drawn 
together  for  consultation  whenever  the  emperor  de- 
sires. Under  ordinary  circumstances,  when  consul- 
tations among  a large  number  of  officials  are  not 
deemed  necessary,  it  consists  of  four  members.  This 
council  frames  edicts,  and  it  enjoys  the  right  of 
audience  with  the  emperor.  It  has  a room  in  the 
Forbidden  Palace,  from  which  outsiders  are  rigidly 
barred,  and  usually  meets  at  five  o’clock  in  the 
morning. 

Next  in  rank  below  these  two  central  advisory 
bodies  are  six  administrative  boards — the  civil  office, 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED, 


193 


the  boards  of  revenue,  of  rites,  of  war,  of  punish- 
ment, and  of  public  works.  Each  of  these  boards 
has  two  presidents  and  four  vice-presidents,  with  a 
large  staff  of  under-officials,  who  systematize  the 
work  well.  A few  words  of  description  will  answer 
for  the  functions  of  the  different  boards. 

The  civil  office  has  control  over  the  mandarins  in 
regard  to  pay,  promotion  and  the  assignment  of 
work.  It  also  distributes  rewards. 

The  board  of  revenue  receives  the  contributions 
of  the  provinces  and  disburses  the  payments  of  the 
central  administration.  To  it  is  also  assigned  the 
duty  of  selecting  the  Manchu  maidens  who  are 
admitted  to  the  imperial  harem. 

The  board  of  rites  is  an  important  one  owing  to 
the  ceremonious  manner  of  conducting  Chinese 
official  business.  It  controls  all  these  ceremonies 
and  rituals,  having  both  religious  and  secular 
authority.  The  ceremonies  are  regulated  in  a 
general  way  by  the  Book  of  Rites,  a ponderous 
work  in  fourteen  volumes. 

The  board  of  war  has  only  partial  authority 
over  the  army  and  navy.  It  does  not  control  the 
Banner  army  of  Manchus  and  Mongols  or  the 
garrison  of  Pekin,  which  are  distinct  organizations. 

The  board  of  punishment  is  practically  a court 
of  appeal.  Associated  with  the  board  of  censors 
and  a court  of  revision,  called  the  Tali  Sz’,  it 
forms  a supreme  court  for  trying  capital  offenses, 
13 


194 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


At  a fixed  period  of  the  year  these  three  bodies 
meet,  with  six  minor  courts,  thus  forming  the 
complete  judicial  bench  of  Pekin,  for  the  purpose 
of  revising  punishments  ordered  in  the  provinces 
before  laying  them  before  the  emperor  for  his 
sanction.  The  literature  of  the  Chinese  inculcates 
in  marked  degree  a love  of  justice  and  there  is  an 
elaborate  system  of  imposing  checks  upon  official 
tyranny  or  error. 

The  board  of  works  is  an  office  of  public  works 
and  superintends  the  transportation  system  through- 
out the  empire.  It  also  coins  money  and  has  some 
minor  functions. 

The  list  of  boards  is  now  finished,  but  there  are 
other  important  public  bodies  at  Pekin  which  exer- 
cise potent  influence.  Among  these  the  chief  in 
importance  just  now  is  the  Tsung-li-yamen,  or 
Chinese  foreign  office.  It  was  established  in  1861, 
the  year  when  the  first  foreign  diplomat — Mr. 
Frederick  Bruce,  from  the  Court  of  St.  James — was 
admitted  to  official  residence  at  Pekin.  Its  duty 
is  the  transaction  of  business  with  the  foreign 
ministers  at  the  capital.  The  celebrated  Prince 
Kung  was  its  founder.  This  board,  though  possess- 
ing nominally  little  authority,  being  compelled  to 
submit  important  questions  to  the  emperor,  never- 
theless exercises  considerable  power  in  its  advisory 
capacity. 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


195 


It  is  computed  that  there  are  no  fewer  than 
20,000  officials  of  various  grades  eonnected  with 
the  boards  and  central  offices  at  Pekin.  A red 
book,  which  is  issued  periodically,  contains  their 
names.  They  work  hard  and  in  this  respect  set 
an  excellent  example  to  the  public  officials  of  other 
countries.  The  organization  of  this  elaborate  sys- 
tem of  bureaucracy,  which  is  needed  to  conduct 
the  business  of  a vast  empire,  has  been  pronounced 
admirable  by  many  competent  critics.  It  has 
sometimes  been  criticised  by  foreigners  for  corrup- 
tion and  among  its  many  members  a degree  of 
corruption  undoubtedly  exists.  The  foreigners, 
however,  have  often  been  the  leadei’s  in  holding 
out  the  temptation  of  a bribe. 

The  provincial  administration  of  China  is  also 
carefully  organized  and  here  we  come  in  contact 
with  the  powerful  viceroys,  or  governors  of  provinces. 
To  a large  degree  they  are  intrusted  with  almost 
sovereign  functions,  though  they  must  make  fre- 
quent and  regular  reports  to  Pekin.  China  is 
divided  into  19  provinces,  only  a few  of  which 
enjoy  the  distinction  of  being  each  ruled  by  a 
separate  viceroy.  In  most  cases  two  provinces 
are  combined  in  one  viceroyalty. 

The  paid  provincial  administration  is  far  too  weak 
in  numbers,  though  it  is  assisted  by  a large  number 
of  unpaid  officials.  Only  about  2000  officials  in 
all  the  provinces  of  China  receive  salaries  from  the 


196 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


government.  The  others  are  largely  composed  of 
candidates  for  the  civil  service  examinations  who 
hope  ultimately  to  get  on  the  public  payroll.  It  is 
this  class  of  minor  officials  against  whom  the  charge 
of  bribery  is  most  freely  laid,  and  that  they  accept 
fees  which  are  not  authorized  by  law  is  well  known. 
Sometimes  this  degenerates  into  blackmail.  The 
government  could  ajiply  the  remedy  by  paying  these 
officials  enough  to  sustain  life,  but  it  hesitates  to 
increase  the  taxes  and  the  evil  goes  on. 

Another  peculiar  fact  here  comes  in — China  has 
almost  no  police.  The  unpaid  runners  and  hangers- 
on  of  the  mandarins  make  arrests  in  the  provinces  and 
the  Banner  army  in  Pekin  exercises  police  functions 
to  a limited  extent.  Were  not  the  Chinese  in  ordinary 
times  among  the  most  peaceful  and  law  abiding 
people  in  the  world,  great  disorders  would  prevail 
constantly  among  them.  This  lack  of  a police 
system  has  afforded  a favorable  opportunity  for  the 
development  of  many  secret  societies,  including  the 
Boxers,  who  were  allowed  to  flourish  until  they 
had  become  so  strong  that  the  army  could  not  cope 
with  them. 

The  common  forms  of  punishment  in  China  are 
whipping  and  the  wearing  of  the  cangue,  a heavy 
wooden  case  into  an  aperture  of  which  the  head  of 
the  criminal  is  thrust.  The  death  penalty  is  inflicted 
in  several  thousand  cases  each  year,  but  these,  we 
have  already  seen,  are  limited  in  number  by  the 


HOW  CHIKA  IS  GOVERNED. 


197 


clemency  of  the  sovereign  and  the  wide  extension 
of  the  right  of  appeal.  Decapitation  and  the  “slow 
and  painful  process/’  which  means  being  hacked  to 
pieces,  are  the  usual  forms  of  capital  punishment. 
In  some  cases  it  is  permitted  for  a criminal  con- 
demned to  death  to  hire  a substitute.  Such  substi- 
tutes are  easily  found,  it  being  considered  a privilege 
by  many  Chinamen  thus  to  sacrifice  themselves  that 
they  may  provide  a considerable  sum  of  money  for 
their  parents. 

The  total  revenue  of  China  is  estimated  on  an 
average  at  from  $300,000,000  to  $500,000,000 ; an 
extremely  small  sum,  comparatively,  for  a nation  of 
400,000,000  people.  Part  of  this  is  collected  in 
money  and  the  rest  in  grain.  A large  portion  of  it 
is  used  in  the  administration  of  the  provinces,  and 
the  remaining  sum  is  forwarded  to  Pekin.  The 
rev^enue  derived  from  foreign  customs  under  the 
supervision  of  Sir  Robert  Hart,  an  Englishman 
who  has  performed  that  duty  for  the  Chinese 
government  many  years,  forms  a large  ]>art  of 
the  total. 

In  her  financial  aflfairs  China  has  shown  a credit- 
able contrast  to  Japan.  She  has  incurred  few  per- 
manent debts  for  the  sake  of  temporary  gain.  Japan, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  borrowed  money  until  her 
debt  is  several  times  as  great  as  her  whole  revenue. 
At  last  she  has  reached  a point  where  it  is  difficult 
for  her  to  raise  any  more,  and  this  is  one  of  her 
weak  points  in  the  game  with  Russia. 


198 


HOW  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED. 


We  have  seen  that  the  theory  of  China’s  govern- 
ment is  the  benefit  of  the  people,  to  be  secured  by 
benevolent  laws  and  equal  justice.  It  has  fallen 
short  of  this,  as  every  nation  must  do,  but  the  extent 
of  its  success  in  many  respects  is  really  wonderful 
when  compared  with  the  records  of  the  modern 
nations.  China’s^chief  disadvantage  is  oflBcial  cor- 
ruption, which  can  only  be  remedied  efiScaciously  by 
the  payment  of  adequate  salaries  to  all  her  officials. 


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